ASIA’S FIRST:
REMEMBERING THE INAUGURATION OF THE FIRST PHILIPPINE REPUBLIC
by Peter Jaynul V. Uckung and Mona Lisa H. Quizon

During the close of the 19th century, South East Asia was heavily colonized by Europeans. The French had Indochina, which included Camboadia, Laos and Vietnam. The Dutch controlled Indonesia and forced the natives there to grow crops the Dutch wanted, like coffee and indigo. The British colonized Burma and the Malay Peninsula, setting up plantation and mining the large tin deposits there. The Philippines was then under the Spanish Empire. The difference, however, was that the Philippines was fighting for her independence.

      Actually, the Philippines had already declared her independence on June 12, 1898, with Emilio Aguinaldo as president. Realizing the need for recognition, Felipe Agoncillo was appointed as Philippine diplomatic representative and was ordered to participate in the Paris meeting of the United States and Spain. In Paris, Agoncillo detected the first hint of an American turnabout. He was not even invited to witness; much less take part in the treaty signing, in which Spain handed the control of the Philippines to the United States for the sum of twenty million dollars.

        Suspicious of the true design of the erstwhile ally, the leaders of the Philippine Revolutionary Government decide to assemble a national congress. The president immediately decreed the appointment of representatives of each province of the Philippines.

       On September 15, 1898, the cream of Filipino intelligentsia assembled at the church of Barasoain. And the world marvelled at the “impudence” of these “puny” Filipinos in creating the congress of an independent state.

       The first act to be ratified by the Malolos Congress, as the body was known, was the independence of the Philippines on September 29, 1898. But the Malolos Congress is remembered more for framing the first constitution in Asia.

        There were people who believed that the Malolos Congress should not yet pass a constitution, as Philippine independence was not yet recognized by any free nation of the world. Apolinario Mabini, chief counsel of Pres. Aguinaldo, was one of those who believed that the constitution would greatly curtail the president’s power, power needed in a coming confrontation with the United States.

      Among the members, however, the paramount perception was that the framing of a constitution would strengthen the country’s assertion of freedom. Pres. Aguinaldo sided with the pro-constitution group and appointed Felipe Calderon to lead the writing of the constitution.  

       Mabini and Pedro Paterno, Congress President, each gave their own version of the constitution, evidently based on the Spanish Constitution, which Calderon found unacceptable. He made his own based on the constitution of the free countries of South America. His constitution called for a unicameral legislative, the purpose of which was the swift passing of bills. It also gave judicial and executive power to the Congress of Malolos. It emerged as the most powerful branch of the government.

       The reason for this, as Calderon explained, was to prevent the army from ever becoming too powerful-an army headed by brash young men, believers of force. His constitution was accepted by the members of the congress, except for the provision concerning religion.

        Calderon’s constitution declared Roman Catholicism as the official religion of the Philippines. Accordingly, the government would also find the church ministries. Many of the members vehemently opposed the provision.  Manuel Gomez and Calderon reasoned that the government needed the support of the Catholic Church as they play a big role in the influencing people, and most of the Filipinos were Catholics anyway.

        This was countered by Tomas del Rosario and Arcadio del Rosario by invoking the principle of the separation of church and state. And wasn’t it unfair for the government to support only a single religious denomination. On November 29, 1898, the bloc supporting the separation of church and state won by one vote.

       Mabini counselled the congressmen not to pass the constitution. At least not yet, as it would erode the power of the army and that of the president. He believed that the executive branch needed more power to consolidate the gains of the revolution and for maintaining peace and order on a land still reeling from the war for independence. Mabini also feared that the Catholic leadership would withdraw its support once the constitution declaring the separation of church and state is approved. This led to the indefinite suspension of that particular article.

       American President McKinley confirmed American intention concerning the Philippines with the December 21, 1898 declaration of the Benevolent Assimilation. So on January 20, 1899 Pres. Aguinaldo accepted the Malolos Constitution and on January 23, 1899 congress inaugurated the Philippine Republic in Malolos, Bulacan. It also declared the presidency of Aguinaldo. Congress was then renamed the National Assembly.

         With the Filipinos proclaiming the Philippine Republic and the Americans claiming sovereignty over the islands, a situation was created in which the only solution was military confrontation.

         With the Filipinos steadfastly clinging to their newfound Republic, the Americans needed a breakthrough rather quickly to bring their meaning of “benevolent assimilation” to the Filipinos before the world began recognizing the independence of the Philippines. It might generate a negative public opinion of American intervention. Back in the United States the opposition to the American occupation of the Philippines was snowballing.

        So news was trumpeted, and unfortunately believed, that an American soldier shot a Filipino soldier who did not understand the meaning of “halt”. The shot brought forth the Filipino-American War. The Republic was doomed.               

WHAT DO ANDRES BONIFACIO AND INDIA’S BHAGAT SINGH HAVE IN COMMON

       His name is close to the proletariat because of his personal background and despite poverty, he led a revolution whose aim was to grant the country independence from colonial bondage. Andres Bonifacio is considered a national hero alongside Rizal because of his heroism and leadership that paved the way for the establishment of a secret society called Katipunan. He symbolically declared Philippine Independence from the Spanish opportunist government at Pugad Lawin on the fateful day August 23, 1896 by leading his men in tearing their cedulas as a signal of revolution against Spanish oppression. Bonifacio is indeed a Filipino icon; he could have fought against the Americans if only he had been not killed by his fellow countrymen.

       Although Bonifacio was revered by others for fighting and dying for the cause of liberation, he was also subjected to rumors such as that he had stolen the funds of the Katipunan; that being a Mason he was anti-Catholic; that he was uneducated, and therefore incapable of becoming a leader, and worst, that he was an atheist. He was one of the most maligned heroes like Macario Sakay who was executed by the Americans. In India there is one freedom fighter named Bhagat Singh, who suffered a similar fate as that of Andres Bonifacio. He was idolized by many Indians, most especially by the Sikh, and considered one of the most influential heroes, yet he was considered as terrorist by some.

        Bhagat Singh was born on September 27, 1907 in the village Banga of Layalpur to Mata Vidyavati and Sardar Kishan Singh. He came from a family who are known for struggling for freedom. 

         He dropped out from school and continued to fulfill his dream of driving the British Empire out of
India. He joined Hindustan Republican Association formed by the revolutionaries of Uttar Pradesh. Bonifacio similarly had no formal education but was a self-educated man. He read books about the French Revolution, biographies of the Presidents of the United States, the colonial penal and civil codes, and novels such as Victor Hugo’s Les Misérables, Eugène Sue’s Le Juif errant and José Rizal’s Noli Me Tangere and El Filibusterismo. Singh also studied European revolutionary movements and was attracted to anarchism and communism. He shared with Bonifacio his interest in fiction of a politico-economic nature. However, he always declared himself to be an atheist

       Both Bonifacio and Bhagat Singh had an ardent passion for writing. Even without formal training, Bonifacio contributed to the Katipunan’s official organ Kalayaan. He wrote the poem Pag ibig sa Tinubuang Lupa and the essay Ang Dapat Mabatid ng mga Tagalog (What the Tagalogs Should Know). His anti-clerical and anti-Spanish writings were significant in igniting the spirit of revolution among the Filipino people. According to Teodoro Agoncillo, Bonifacio’s writings were not polished, but have strong power, which was necessary in an age characterized by chicanery, dishonesty, immorality, cowardice and extravagant pretensions. On the other hand, while in jail, Bhagat Singh wrote a detailed history of the revolutionary movement in India.

        Singh was a follower of Mahatma Gandhi’s Non-Cooperation Movement, whom he greatly admired. But even as Gandhi maintained his non-violence policy following the violent murders of policemen by villagers from Chauri Chaura, Uttar Pradesh, Singh, chose to join the Young Revolutionary Movement and began advocating a violent movement against the British.

         Bonifacio sought the support of Rizal for the planned revolution. However, Rizal advised them that it was not yet the right time to commence the revolution because of lack of financial and military resources. Bonifacio, did not take the advice of Rizal, and instead organized the Katipuneros to launch a revolt against the Spanish.

         On April 8, 1929, Singh and Dutt threw a bomb onto the corridors of the Central Legislative Assembly and shouted “Inquilab Zindabad!” (“Long Live the Revolution!” as protest against the wrongful enactment of the Defense of India Act which gave more power to the police. Although nobody was hurt, Singh and Dutt submitted themselves for arrest after the bomb.

         Bonifacio and Bhagat Singh lived in the dark days of revolution and ended in a gloomy journey. Andres was executed by his fellow Katipuneros on May 10, 1897 for the crimes of treason and sedition, while Bhagat Singh died at the gallows on March 23, 1901 in Lahore.

         Both men set an example of character and great courage by sacrificing themselves for the sake of the country’s freedom.

FATHER GREGORIO CRISOSTOMO Y LUGO
Priest and Patriot (1860-1918)

      Father Gregorio Crisostomo y Lugo was the older brother of Mariano Crisostomo y Lugo, Propagandist, Katipunan member, revolutionist and Delegate of Bulacan province at the Malolos Congress.  Gregorio and Mariano were nephews of Marcelo H. del Pilar¹, one of the leaders of the Propaganda movements.  Their parents were Maria Lugo and Guillermo Crisostomo, both of whom came from wealthy clans of Bulacan.²

       Gregorio was born in the sitio of Atlag in the town of Malolos, Bulacan on 17 November 1860.³  For his primary instruction he studied under the famous teacher Jose A. Flores of Laguna.  According to one biographer, Gregorio continued his studies at the Colegio de San Juan Letran, and moved to the University of Santo Tomas for his tertiary education, eventually obtaining a degree in Theology⁴, in answer to a calling for the priesthood.  However, according to another source, he attended the Seminario de San Carlos in Manila from 1883 to 1887, and in 1894, became a “coadjutor” or assistant parish priest in the parish of San Francisco de Malabon (now General Trias), Cavite.⁵

      As nephews of Marcelo H. del Pilar, Gregorio and Mariano were bound, sooner or later, to fall under his influence.  They joined him in his advocacy for political reforms for the country, Mariano, through the Propaganda movement led by del Pilar and Jose Rizal, disseminating its ideas and distributing propaganda materials in his hometown and elsewhere.  Later, Mariano joined the Katipunan, and headed its local chapter in Malolos, was eventually arrested by authorities for subversive activities and thrown in jail, gaining release only after the Pact of Biak-na-bato was signed by the Filipino revolutionists and the colonial government in December 1897.  Mariano rejoined the Revolution when it was officially resumed by Aguinaldo in 1898.

     No less idealistic and involved in the emancipation of their countrymen, Gregorio as a Filipino secular priest naturally identified with the aspirations of the Secularization and Filipinization movement (earlier led by the martyred Filipino priest Fathers Jose Burgos).  Gregorio himself he later got first-hand experience of what it was like to suffer for his being a Filipino secular priest and a relative of del Pilar. 

       His first mission as a priest was said to have been in Cabanatuan, Nueva Ecija, where his superior was Fr. Jose Fuentes⁶, or Fr. Jose de la Fuente, but it is not clear exactly when Gregorio served under him since he was a seminarian until 1887, while according to one account Fr. Fuentes served in the Cabanatuan parish in the following years: 1875-1879; 1884-1886, and 1891, and that he (Fuentes) died in February 1891⁷.

       Gregorio reportedly failed to get in the good graces of Fr. Fuentes, and was also suspected by the Guardia Civil.  The latter harassed him once by trying to stop a procession he organized, but Gregorio foiled the attempt, resulting in his being transferred to the parish of Boac, Marinduque.  Due to his policy of charging the parishioners only minimal church fees, it did not take long for him to be removed again, but instead of transferring him to another parish, he was sent back to the seminary, where he was under suspension for nine days.⁸

       After his suspension, he was said to have been sent either to Rosario, Batangas⁹, or Ibaan, Batangas, where his situation came to a head in 1891.¹⁰  He was arrested and imprisoned at the seminary, together with Fr. Ricardo Gatdula, a fellow coadjutor at Ibaan parish (and most probably his classmate at the San Carlos Seminary, since Gatdula studied there during the same period –1883-1887¹¹).  Gatdula had earlier implicated Gregorio of having recruited him to the secret meetings organized by local leaders who were supporters of the Propaganda movement and its anti-friar campaign.  Gatdula alleged that it was Gregorio’s task to disseminate anti-friar materials (such as leaflets and pamphlets) furnished by his Propagandist brother, Mariano.¹²

       By this time, the Katipunan had spread to Morong, its ideals gaining popularity with the native populace, attracting even the local guardia civil, which attacked the town hall in October 1896.  The rebellious guardia civil, knowing perhaps of Fr. Gregorio’s his reformist stance, asked him to be their leader¹³.  However, because he was newly released from prison, he refused their offer and persuaded them, instead, to end their rebellion, thus proving his loyalty to the colonial government.

        Fr. Gregorio nevertheless reverted to his anti-government stance when, as parish priest of Tanay, he joined the Katipunan rebels in assaulting the town center on January 29, 1897.  Discarding his priest’s habit, he courageously manned the lantaka (native cannon) against the enemy troops (anticipating the image of the Filipino Catholic priest turned armed revolutionary of the martial law period).  Fr. Gregorio and his fellow rebels were, unfortunately, routed, captured and thrown in jail,¹⁴; Fr. Gregorio himself was detained as an incommunicado at the Convent in Tanay.¹⁵  He was released in March 1898, on account of the efforts of Fr. Remigio Muñoz, his superior at Tanay parish, who, citing his mediation of the guardia civil uprising at Morong the year before, had convinced the Archbishop to negotiate with the Governor General.¹⁶

        He was serving at Concepcion, Malabon¹⁷, when the Filipino-American War broke out in February 4, 1899.  Once more, he answered the call to serve the nation by rejoining the army and taking to the battlefield.  As the war wore on, it took its toll upon the revolutionary army, causing intrigues and division among the leaders or different units, often over territorial jurisdiction and exacerbated by regionalism or varied backgrounds.  One such intramural transpired between the Bulakeño unit, to which Fr. Gregorio belonged, and the Caviteños, which resulted in his arrest by Lazaro Makapagal, a trusted aide of General Emilio Aguinaldo, in September 1898.

       He resumed his commitment to the revolutionary cause upon his release, once again taking to the battlefield.  He was later acclaimed by the revolutionary newspaper La Republica Filipina, for his courageous service to the country, to wit:

      “There you will see him in moments of danger, just like the least soldier, defending a trench, mingling with the masses; or helping one of the wounded.  There you will see him barefoot digging trenches when the enemy is not harassing them, sharing with the crowd their frugal meal and stirring up with his moral and material collaboration, the spirit of those around him.”¹⁸

       With Malabon eventually falling into the hands of the Americans, Fr. Gregorio was captured and imprisoned in San Isidro, Nueva Ecija for refusing to take the oath of allegiance to the American flag.  He also refused to leave the priesthood in spite of the pressures upon him to do so¹⁹, believing, perhaps, that there was no difference between being a good priest and being a patriot.

         Events following his release would seem to show that he continued to support the struggle for Philippine independence, for, in October 1900 he was arrested together with Fr. Osmundo Lim and Ambrosio Marasigan, municipal head of Paombong, Bulacan.  Accused of secretly supporting the guerrillas by way of “money, information, and sympathy”, he was subsequently fined P1,000 and imprisoned at hard labor for 18 months, working “the roads, with his feet in chains.”²⁰

       After his release, he resumed pastoral work at the parish of Cabanatuan, Nueva Ecija and was also given charge of 14 other churches in the province.  Apart from this, he devoted himself to farming and was even named head of a farmers group.²¹  He shared the profits yielded by the produce of his farms in Bulacan and Nueva Ecija (in Santa Rosa and Cabanatuan), helping the veterans of the Revolution and the Filipino-American War, and donating his estate to the government, on the condition that this be used in building a hospital, an asylum for the insane, a maternity clinic²², as well as for subsidizing publics schools23.

 He died on February 16, 191824.

1 E. Arsenio Manuel, Dictionary of Philippine Biography, Vol. 1 [Quezon City: Filipiniana Publications, 1955] p. 138.
2 Ibid.
3 Isayas R. Salonga, Mga Ulirang Pilipino [Maynila: I.R. Salonga, 1948], p. 26.
4 Ibid.
5 Regalado Trota Jose, Curas de Almas, Volume 4 [Manila: The Author and UST, 2008], p. 89.
6 Salonga, p. 26.
7 Jose, p. 127.
8 Salonga, p. 26.
9 Ibid., pp. 26-27.
10 Schumacher, p. 43.
11 Jose, p. 143.
12 John N. Schumacher, S.J., Revolutionary Clergy, The Filipino Clergy and the Nationalist Movement, 1850-1903 [Quezon City: Ateneo de Manila University Press, 1981], p. 43
13 Salonga, p. 27.
14 Schumacher, p. 58.
15 Salonga, p. 27.
16 Schumacher, op. cit.
17 Op. cit.
18 Schumacher, p. 125.
19 Salonga., p. 27
20 Schumacher, p. 130.
21 Salonga, p. 28.
22 Bureau of Lands, Annual Report of the Director of Lands [S.l.: Bureau of Lands,1938], pp. 34-35. (http://quod.lib.umich.edu. June 23, 2010]
23 Salonga, p. 28.
24 E. Arsenio Manuel, Dictionary of Philippine Biography, Vol. 4 [Quezon City, Filipiniana Publications, 1995] p. 137.

THE ABAD SANTOS BROTHERS
By: Quennie Ann J. Palafox

Decades ago, the family name Abad Santos was widely-spoken in the political stream. The Abad Santos brothers gained prominence during the pre-Commonwealth Era and World War II because of their involvement in politics and social movement. Pedro, the older brother, was the founder of the Socialist Party of the Philippines, a forerunner of the peasant and labor movements in the country and considered the champion of the masses because of his good heart for lowly laborers who were victims of injustice.  His younger brother Jose, the soft spoken one, was a trusted public servant and member of the cabinet of former President Manuel L. Quezon. Although similar blood runs in their veins, their views differed in several things. Pedro sympathized with the poor landless farmers and critical of the government while Jose was identified with the government, and consequently with the elite.

        Pedro Abad Santos was born on January 31, 1876 in San Fernando, Pampanga. He was the eldest of the ten children of Vicente Abad Santos and Toribia Basco. Pedro’s younger brother, Jose Abad Santos or Senseng, was born on February 19, 1886.

       The older Pedro finished his elementary education in private and public schools of his hometown. Pedro took his secondary education at the Colegio de San Juan de Letran. He obtained his Bachelor of Arts in 1891 at the University of Santo Tomas. Subsequently, he finished law and was admitted to the bar in 1906. While the younger Jose started his early education in the school of Don Felix Dizon and in the public school established by the Americans in San Fernando, Pampanga. As a student, Jose was brilliant and hardworking. In 1904, he was one among the few who were chosen as pensionados and sent by the Americans to study in Santa Clara College in California, where he eventually received his certificate of secondary education. Jose finished at the Northwestern University his Bachelor of Laws degree on June 4, 1908. Not satisfied with his undergraduate degree, he pursued Master of Laws at the George Washington University and finished it on June 19, 1909. He could have practiced law in the United States because he passed the bar in 1911, but Jose decided to go back to the Philippines to serve his countrymen where he would eventually land a job as temporary clerk in the Archives Division of the Executive Bureau.

         Both brothers became law practitioner. Pedro served as Justice of the Peace (Juez de Paz) in San Fernando, Pampanga from 1907 to 1909. He took the job as a councilor of his town from January, 1910 until March, 1912. He was twice elected delegate of the Second District of Pampanga to the Philippine Assembly, and served from 1916 to 1922.  Jose was appointed assistant attorney in the Bureau of Justice on July 31, 1914. In 1917, he was reappointed assistant attorney in the said Bureau and at the same time served as counsel for the Philippine National Bank. In 1919, Abad Santos was named one of the six technical advisers to the first Parliamentary Independence mission to the United States. In 1918, Jose married a town mate, Amanda Teopaco, with whom he had five children. On the other hand, Pedro remained a bachelor.

         Pedro became sympathetic to the miserable situations of the poor farmers who tilled the lands of the rich landowners and were often subject to the abuses of the latter. He was determined to uplift the welfare of the masses. In 1932, he began propagating unionism and advocating land reform because of rampant cases of land grabbing by the elite. He even criticized Quezon’s “social justice program,” calling it a paper plan. A revolutionary radical, he often had heated arguments with his younger brother Jose who was Quezon’s Secretary of Justice. A member of the prominent and affluent clan himself, Pedro allied with the peasants, thus, he was considered a traitor by the wealthy people.

        Pedro did not enrich himself from law practice. He rendered free legal services to farmers in their cases against their landlord and eventually founded the Socialist Party of the Philippines on October 26, 1932. Don Perico, as he was lovingly called by the peasants, also founded the Aguman Ding Malding Talapagobra (AMT) or the General Workers Union which was an organization of rural workers fighting for the improvement of working conditions of peasants, the expropriation of landed estates and friar lands and the establishment of farmer cooperatives.

        On November 7, 1938, Don Perico’s Socialist Party merged with Evangelista’s PKP during a convention at the Manila Opera House and adopted the name “Communist Party of the Philippines” as the official name of the union of the PSP and the PKP. Don Perico became its Vice President. The party hoped to fight for the workers and peasants through a legal and parliamentary struggle.

        When the Second World War broke out, the Japanese military police arrested Don Perico and imprisoned him at Fort Santiago. He was released in 1944 after his eyesight started to fail and because of a stomach ailment. He lived among his relatives until he fully recovered. He then went to President Jose P. Laurel for advice as the Japanese were again looking for him. Don Perico decided to go underground and fight alongside the Hukbalahaps under Luis Taruc. 

        On the other hand, Jose, a trusted member of the cabinet of President Quezon, was left behind to head the government. He was arrested by the Japanese in Carcar, Cebu, and asked to swear allegiance to the Japanese government. Justice Abad Santos refused to cooperate with the enemies. He was taken to Parang, Cotabato and then to Malabang, Lanao del Sur, where he was executed on May 2, 1942 at 2 o’clock in the afternoon. Jose Abad Santos gave up his life rather than violate his moral principles.  Abad Santos died in the service of the country. He could have lived as he wished to but he preferred to die than be considered a traitor to his country. Pedro died inside a Huk base in Minalin, Pampanga, Don Perico suffered complications of stomach ulcer and died on January 15, 1945 at the age of 69.

GHOSTS OF MARTIAL LAW
By: Ricardo De Los Santos

       On September 23, 1972, Philippine President Ferdinand E. Marcos declared martial law in response to country-wide bombings, massive social unrest, and the threat of communist insurgents. For more than eight years, Martial Law dictated the actions and suppression of the Filipino nation – it was a time of great fear, deception and censorship, caused by Marcos, together with his wife Imelda and his military. Through the leadership, however, of slain statesman Ninoy Aquino, his widow Cory, and disgruntled Marcos men Juan Ponce Enrile and Fidel V. Ramos, the Filipinos rose up against the tyrannous regime, culminating in the People Power Revolution of 1986. With peaceful mass uprising paired with limited armed conflict, the revolution was successful in toppling the regime and reassured the greatness of the freedom-loving Filipino.

       On the other hand, it seems as if the specters of martial law have come back after decades of wanted absence. Be it in the form of personalities, events or actions, Martial Law continues to haunt today’s society. Therefore, one must take a look back on those days of history and compare it to those of contemporary times. Through this, I believe, one can take proper action towards these specters, and maintain the honor and give justice to the revolution during the latter days of February 1986.

        Former first lady Imelda Marcos, for instance, is now back in the country’s limelight, and for ostensibly no good reason. In fact, after returning to the country from exile in 1991, Mrs. Marcos has garnered needless acclaim and has evaded much of the criminal charges against her.

       After years of embezzling public funds for personal luxury items (more than 1000 pairs of shoes), costly buildings (CCP and Film Center) and lavish events, as well as holding appointed yet unfitting government positions (Governor of Metro Manila), she was able to return to the country in 1991 after the Marcos family’s exile in Hawaii following the People Power Revolution. On her return, she faced around 900 criminal and civil cases, but most have been dismissed or acquitted Mrs. Marcos. She has yet to serve time in prison. Moreover, she was able to attain power as elected congresswoman of her native province Leyte in 1995.

        Recently, she celebrated her 80th birthday in usual “Imeldific” fashion. Mrs. Marcos wore her signature terno (Philippine traditional dress) and was decked out in jewelry. Her posh party, along with her high society guests and friends (who according to her paid for the event), was highlighted by confetti and fireworks. This is definitely contrary to her proclaimed struggle to provide for herself, together with her reliance on her late husband’s war veteran pension and her children’s support. Additionally, generations that did not experience the Marcos years and Martial Law look at her as a subject of profound interest and even symbol of Filipino elegance.

      Harrowing events of the past couple of weeks also stir sentiments of martial law recurrence. First, there was the bombing of the Office of the Ombudsman in Manila. Days later, it was followed by more bomb threats and discovery of unexploded devices around the metropolis. In Mindanao, bombs in the central and western regions terrorized the population, leaving at least 8 dead and hundreds more wounded. Just this morning, news of terrorists in the Metro Manila is putting authorities on alert.

       This has lead to the assumption of opposition members, like Makati Mayor and United Opposition President Jejomar Binay, that the Arroyo administration is behind the bombings in order to facilitate emergency rule. Bombs across the nation, the opposition suggests, would not only terrorize the populace, but also justify the proclamation of emergency executive powers such as martial law. This assumption is furthered even by members of the administration. National Security Adviser Norberto Gonzales declared that these bombings could very well result in the administration using its “iron fist”.

        Such were the events, too, of 1972, when Pres. Ferdinand Marcos declared martial law. Bombings around the metropolis were rampant, whether caused by communist elements or orchestrated by the president in Malacanang. As it turns out, the “ambush” on then Defense Minister Juan Ponce Enrile’s car was premeditated by the authorities, and occurred exactly a day before the proclamation of martial law on September 1972. The law would last for almost 9 years and lead to arrests of Marcos’ enemies, censorship of the media, and strong military participation in stately affairs.

       Indeed, it is a valid impression that the specters of old are re-emerging. Martial law is again audible in people’s discussions and concerns. With carelessness, historical amnesia and apathy, the elements that caused much indignation to the country decades ago may very well do the same today.

      *About the author: Ricardo De Los Santos is a recent graduate of the University of California, Berkeley, with a bachelor’s degree in American Studies. He volunteered with the NHCP (formerly NHI) from June to July of 2009 as a guest researcher. A native of Manila, Philippines, he now resides between Los Angeles and the San Francisco Bay Area.ss

APOLINARIO MABINI
(1864-1903)

      Apolinario, the second of the eight sons of Inocencio Mabini and Dionisia Maranan, a peasant couple, was born on July 23, 1864 in barrio Talaga, Tanauan, Batangas.

      He showed early a rare intellect and proclivity for study.

      In Manila he won in 1881 a partial scholarship that enabled him to enroll at the College of San Juan de Letran.  He had to work for his sustenance as a teacher of Latin at the school of Melchor Virrey in Manila, of Father Malabanan in Bauan and of Sebastian Virrey in Lipa.  He completed his Bachelor of Arts in 1887.

       His law studies at the University of Santo Tomas from 1888 to 1894 were similarly grim.  He had to support himself by teaching and working as a copyist in the court of first instance in Manila and later as an assistant to law clerk Numeriano Adriano and as a clerk in the Intendencia General.

      He joined Masonry in September 1892, affiliating with lodge Balagtas, and adopting the name Katabay.  In 1893, he was one of those who revived the Liga Filipina to extend support to the Reform Movement.  The Cuerpo de Compromisarios emerged in September, 1894 with the dissolution of the Liga.  Mabini was its secretary.  It lent moral and financial support to the Filipino propagandists in Spain.

      In 1895, Mabini was admitted to the bar and was designated Colegial of the third class.  He worked as a notary in the office of Adriano.

     On October 10, 1896, he was arrested by the Guardia Civil because of his connection with the reformists.  Both of his legs were already paralyzed, having contracted polio during the early part of the year.  He was placed under house arrest at the San Juan de Dios Hospital.  His condition saved him from being shot.

     His imprisonment hindered his active participation in the initial uprising of the Katipunan.  But upon his release, he became acquainted with the lesser revolutionary leaders.  During this period he was mostly in Los Baños and Bay, Laguna where he sought relief for his ailment in the sulfuric hot springs.

      In April 1898, he wrote a manifesto addressed to the revolutionary leaders wherein he analyzed the probability of the cession of the Philippines to the United States in case Spain was defeated in the Spanish-American War.  He thereby exhorted them to preserve their country and its independence.

    It must have been this document that was received by the Hongkong junta headed by Felipe Agoncillo who, impressed by the logical views presented therein, recommended its author to General Emilio Aguinaldo as his adviser upon his return to the Philippines from his exile.

    When Aguinaldo returned to the Philippines on May 19,1898, he sent runners to Bay, Laguna to fetch Mabini.  At the same time, the general ordered twelve municipalities to furnish the necessary manpower to carry Mabini in a hammock to Cavite.  After the first meeting of the general and the paralytic on June 12, 1898, the latter became the indispensable adviser of the former on state matters.

      One of the first significant recommendations of Mabini was  the abolition of the Dictatorship of the Aguinaldo government  and its conversion into a revolutionary government; the organization of the municipalities, provinces and judicature and police force; the establishment of the civil registry of property; the issuance of regulations for military procedure; and the ultimate policies of government as were embodied in Aguinaldo’s decree dated June 23, 1898.

     He served in the Aguinaldo cabinet as President of the Council of Secretaries and as Secretary of Foreign Affairs.  He tried  every means to win foreign recognition of Philippine independence.

     He penned most of Aguinaldo’s decrees to the people.  An important document he produced was the “Programa Constitucional de la Republica Filipina,” a proposed constitution for the Philippine Republic.  An introduction to the draft of this constitution was the “El Verdadero Decalogo” written to arouse the patriotic spirit of the people.

      When the Filipino-American war broke out and Aguinaldo’s revolutionary government became disorganized, Mabini fled to Nueva Ecija, carried in a hammock.  He was captured by the Americans in Cuyapo on December 10, 1898.

      He was kept a prisoner of war until September 23, 1900  He resided in a small nipa house in Nagtahan, Manila, earning his living by writing for the local newspapers.  His virulent article in El Liberal entitled “El Simil de Alejandro” caused his rearrest and deportation to Guam, together with other Filipino patriots.  His exile in Guam afforded him the time to write his memoirs, La Revolucion Filipina.

     Reluctantly, he took the oath of allegiance to the United States and was returned to the Philippines on February 26, 1902.  The Americans offered him a high government position but he turned it down and retired to his humble residence in Nagtahan.

      On May 13, 1903, he died of cholera at age 39.

Source:  Filipinos in History, Vol. II, National Historical Institute, Manila: 1990, pp. 23-25.

THE TRUE DECALOGUE

First, Love God and your honor over all things: God as a source of all truth, all justice and all activity; your honor, the only power that obliges you to be truthful, just and industrious.

Second, Worship God in the form that your conscience deems most upright and fitting, because it is through your conscience that God speaks to you, reproaching you for your misdeeds and applauding you for your good deeds.

Third, Develop the special talents that God has given you, working and studying according to your capabilities, never straying from the path of good and justice, in order to achieve your own perfection, and by this means you will contribute to the progress of humanity: thus you will accomplish the mission that God himself has given you in this life, and achieving this, you will have honor, and having honor, you will be glorifying God.

Fourth, Love your country after God and your honor, and more than you love yourself, because your country is the only paradise that God has given you in this life; the only patrimony of your race; the only inheritance from your ancestors; and the only future of your descendants: because of your country you have life, love and interests; happiness, honor and God.

Fifth, Strive for the happiness of your country before your own, making her the reigning influence for reason, justice and work; if your country is happy, you and your family will also be happy.

Sixth, Strive for the independence of your country, because you alone can have a real interest in her aggrandizement and ennoblement, since her independence will mean your own freedom, her aggrandizement for your perfection, and her ennoblement your own glory and immortality.

Seventh, In your country, do not recognize the authority of any person who was not elected by you and your compatriots, because all authority comes from God, and as God speaks to the conscience of each individual, the person chosen and proclaimed by the consciences of all the individuals of a whole town is the only one that can exercise the real authority.

Eighth, Strive that your country be constituted as a republic, never as a monarchy: a monarchy empowers one or several families and lays the foundation for a dynasty; a republic ennobles and dignifies a country based on reason, it is great because of its freedom, and is made prosperous and brilliant by dint of work.

Ninth, Love your neighbour as you love yourself, because God has imposed on him and on you the obligation to help one another, and dictated that he does not do unto you what he does not want you to do unto him; but if your neighbour is remiss in this sacred duty and makes an attempt on your life, your freedom and your properties, then you should destroy him and crush him, because the supreme law of self preservation must prevail.

Tenth, Always on your countryman as more than a neighbour: you will in him friend, a brother and at least the companion to whom you are tied by only one destiny, by the same happiness and sorrows, and by the same aspirations and interests.

Because of this, while the borders of the nations established and preserved by the egoism of race and of family remain standing, you must remain united to your country in perfect solidarity views and interests in order to gain strength, not only to combat the common enemy, but also to achieve all the objectives of human life.

THE KRIS AND THE SAMURAI
by Peter Jaynul V. Uckung

      The drums of war caught the Joloanos by surprise. Pearl Harbor was thousands of miles away, but the news of the Japanese bombing was so electrifying that a cloud of anxiety blanketed the island of Jolo. It was Dec. 8, 1941. War had finally come and the much ridiculed Japanese war machines would certainly come to attack the Philippines.

      And attack they did on December 24, 1941. In Jolo the Chinese residents of the island were the first to feel the cruelty of the invaders. The Japanese executed a lot of them for supporting the Chinese resistance in China. Jolo was important then as a staging area for the Japanese invasion of North Borneo.

      The whole province of Sulu went under Japanese control, and the corollary Japanese brutality came to rear its ugly head. Soon various secret armed groups were organized, but they were fragmented and there was no central command for them to unite and rely upon for effective coordinated operations.

       The first open defiance made by any guerilla outfit in Sulu was launched by a Tausug, Abdulrahim Imao, whose force landed in Siasi on December 25, 1942. His group, known as “the fighting 21”, provided the nucleus for which other willing leaderless guerillas flocked upon.

      The Japanese twice attacked Imao’s headquarters. And twice they were repulsed and this with the Japanese using gunboats and warplanes. The place was called “Little Bataan of Sulu” after that.

       Then on February 10, 1943, a veteran Philippine Constabulary officer, Col. Alejandro Suarez assumed command of the Sulu guerilla forces. Juarez who had just escaped from captivity, returned to his original area of operation in Sulu, and proceeded to consolidate the resistance there. Their group was recognized by Col. Wendell W. Fertig, the commanding officer of the 10th Military District, Mindanao guerrillas, and designated as the 125th Infantry Regiment. This guerilla unit was composed primarily of Muslim Tausugs, Samals, some Christians and even some sea gypsies. Later some Australians who escaped from Japanese captivity in North Borneo joined them.

      These guerillas launched daring ambushes and harassed the Japanese, disrupting the implementation of their occupation plans. More importantly, the guerillas supplied intelligence reports to Allied headquarters about Japanese ship and aircraft movement, leading to the sinking of several enemy ships in the area.

       With the guerilla becoming a serious threat to the Japanese who were developing Bongao as a Naval base. Air bombing operations were launched to destroy the guerilla headquarters, forcing them to move deeper in the jungles of Tawi-Tawi.

       On Feb. 12, 1944 Col. Suarez received a message from Gen. Douglas MacArthur ordering him to establish a guerilla outfit to be called the Sulu Area Command with territorial responsibility on the Sulu Archipelago.

       The American submarine, the Narwhal, then delivered tons of war equipment to the group of Feb. 22, 1944. Just in time for the defensive action against the Japanese.

       The guerilla stronghold at Bato-bato was attacked by the Japanese on April 12, 1944. Knowing the terrain well, the guerillas inflicted a heavy toll on the Japanese soldiers. But eventually the guerillas were forced to withdraw from their camp. But not without killing more Japanese.

       A continuous delivery of arms and supplies by American submarines insured the fighting capability of the guerillas. More than enough for them to launch offensive operations in Sulu and even Borneo.

     In November 1944, the Sulu Area Command made simultaneous attacks in Tawi-tawi, Siasi and Jolo and never let go of the offensive operation until the end of organized enemy resistance.

      On March 30, 1945, the last Japanese garrison in Tawi-tawi was wiped-out. On April 2, 1945, the first American troops landed in Bongao. The Sulu Area Command guerillas were in the beach to welcome them. Meanwhile, the Japanese forces in Siasi were so beaten up that they withdrew to Jolo for a final defense of the area.

     The guerillas stepped up their attacks on the Japanese in Jolo and mauled them so badly that when the Americans landed in Jolo on 9 April 1945 Japanese could not put up even a feeble attempt for a counter attack.

      In one of the ambushes conducted by the guerillas, a Japanese general was killed. He was Maj. Gen. Suzuki, Commander of the 55th Independent Mixed Brigade on Jolo Island. Some Japanese soldiers defending Mt. Tumantangis chose to kill themselves rather than surrender to these terrible, fearless SAC guerillas.

      The Japanese surely on the verge of defeat still fought on. There were only a few of them who managed to survive. These were those who escaped to American line.

     Moping up operations were deadlier than any other military mission, as the Japanese chose to fight to the end rather than surrender. But the guerillas, especially the Tausugs, were experts in fighting to the end. The masters of the Samurai finally met its match with the wielders of the Kris.

       The mopping up operations continued until well after the Japanese surrender.

       The Sulu Area Command was later incorporated into the 61st Infantry Regiment, Philippine Army on July 18, 1945.

      The Sulu Area Command activities during World War II were largely overlooked and were barely mentioned in history books. But the efforts they made in defending freedom and their way of life ranks along side, and maybe above, with those of other more familiar Filipino freedom fighters.

     And perhaps, the most important lesson to be learned here is that any government, in dealing with Muslim Mindanao, especially in Sulu, should not put any problem to the test of force. Because in any encroachment against the freedom of these people, the Kris always prevails.

ANDRES BONIFACIO AND THE KATIPUNAN

Andres Bonifacio was born on November 30, 1863 in a small hut at Calle Azcarraga, presently known as Claro M. Recto Avenue in Tondo, Manila.  His parents were Santiago Bonifacio and Catalina de Castro.

    Andres was the eldest in a brood of five.  His other siblings were Ciriaco, Procopio, Troadio, Esperidiona and Maxima.  He obtained his basic education through a certain Guillermo Osmeña of Cebu.  The Bonifacio family was orphaned when Andres was barely fourteen.  With this, Andres assumed the responsibility of raising his younger siblings.

     In order to support the needs of their family, he maximized his skills in making crafts and sold paper fans and canes.  He also worked as messenger in Fleming & Company.  Eventually, he moved to Fressel & Company, where he worked as warehouse man until 1896.  Poverty never hindered Andres’ thirst for knowledge.  He devoted most of his time reading books while trying to improve his knowledge in the

Spanish and Tagalog language.  The warehouse of Fressel & Company served as his library and study room.

     Andres was married to Gregoria de Jesus who happened to be his second wife.  His first wife – Monica- died of leprosy a year after their marriage.  Gregoria was only sixteen years old and Andres was twenty-nine when their romance sprung.  At first, Gregoria’s parents were against their relationship, but in time, allowed the couple to be married in Catholic rites. The two were married in 1892, both in Catholic and Katipunan rites.  Gregoria chose “Lakambini” as her nom de guerre.

THE TEJEROS CONVENTION

    On March 22, 1897, a convention was held in Tejeros in order to settle the dispute between the two councils and to decide on what type of government should be installed.  During the early phase of the convention the crowd became unruly, causing a recess.  When the convention resumed, Bonifacio was assigned to preside in the election of the officers of the new government that was to be set up.  Before this, however, Bonifacio laid down the rule that the assembly should respect whatever would be the outcome of the election.

     When Bonifacio was elected Secretary of Interior, Daniel Tirona contested and argued that a lawyer should handle the position.  Bonifacio felt insulted and demanded an apology from Tirona.  Because of humiliation and anger, Bonifacio declared that all matters convened in the Tejeros Convention were null and void.  Together with his supporters, he left the estate house.

“ACTA DE TEJEROS,” “NAIC PACT” AND THE REVOLUTIONARY GOVERNMENT OF AGUINALDO

       The next day, Bonifacio stressed out his reason for invalidating the Tejeros Convention through a document known as “Acta de Tejeros” signed by his supporters.  Meanwhile, the elected officers of Magdalo held a meeting at Sta. Cruz de Malabon.  That night, Aguinaldo and the other elected officers in Tejeros took their oath of office.

      Bonifacio decided to establish another government independent from that of Aguinaldo in accordance with the “Naic Pact” enacted by him which signed by his 41 supporters including two of Aguinaldo’s general.  These two generals, however, turned their back on Bonifacio after a talk with Aguinaldo, pledging loyalty to the latter, instead.

      The Revolutionary Government was established without the customary elections on 17 April 1897 with Aguinaldo completing his Cabinet members through appointment.

THE CRY OF PUGADLAWIN

      On 23 August 1896, the Supremo and his troops formally launched an armed revolution against Spain. They tore their resident certificates or cedulas which symbolized their defiance against from the colonizers. This became known in history as “The Cry of Pugadlawin.”

CONTINUED STRUGGLES

      On 29 August 1896, Katipunan members tried to seize Mandaluyong, Pandacan and Pasig. However, the attacks were unsuccessful.  The Battle at San Juan del Monte was a military disaster after the death of more than a hundred Katipuneros.  Gen. Ramon Blanco, as a response, declared in a state of war in the eight provinces believed to be the hotbeds of revolution namely: Manila, Cavite, Laguna, Batangas, Bulacan, Tarlac, Nueva Ecija and Pampanga.

MAGDIWANG VS. MAGDALO

      Bad blood erupted between the two Katipunan Councils in Cavite—the Magdalo and Magdiwang due to lack of respect and territorial competition prompting  Mariano Alvarez to invite Bonifacio to Cavite and intercede.  On 17 December 1896, Bonifacio together with his brothers, wife and troops went to Cavite –the province where the Supremo met his tragic fate.

     An assembly was held at Imus estate house on December 29 with both Magdalo and Magdiwang members attending. A disagreement arose between the two councils on the issue of establishing a revolutionary government to replace the Katipunan.  The assembly ended without the issue being resolved. 

SITUATION DURING BONIFACIO’S TIME

      Andres Bonifacio was born in an era when the natives were considered Indios and the Spanish friars were believed to be God’s representative on earth.  He observed that the Filipinos during his time were not free and the Spanish government and the Catholic Church enslaved them.  During the same period, Freemasonry and its doctrine gained popularity. 

      Bonifacio admired Jose Rizal for his great effort in awakening Filipino nationalism. He even witnessed and joined the founding of La Liga Filipina spearheaded by Rizal on 3 July 1892.  Sadly, the organization died naturally after Rizal was exiled in Dapitan.  Prior to his involvement in free masonry and Liga, Bonifacio continued to work in Fressel & Co. and sell fans and canes. He met Ladislao Diwa, and Teodoro Plata who would play major roles in the establishment of the Katipunan.

THE KATIPUNAN

      On July 7, 1892, the Kataastaasan, Kagalanggalangang Katipunan ng mga Anak ng Bayan was founded in the house of Deodato Arellano at 734 Calle El Cano cor. Azcarraga.  Membership was through blood compact symbolizing the foundation of the secret society, which aimed the separation of the Philippines from Spain and the expulsion of the Spaniards in the country.  The first Supremo of the Katipunan was Deodato Arellano, followed by Roman Basa and finally, Andres Bonifacio.

     In 1893, women were given the chance to join the organization.  The first members were Gregoria de Jesus, Josefa Rizal, Marina Dizon and Angelica Lopez.  They served as the keepers of important and confidential documents of the Katipunan and staged galas as fronts for the regular meetings of the male members.  By 1894, the Katipunan spread throughout Manila.

      In order to strengthen and further widen the operations of the organization, the Kalayaan, the official organ of the Katipunan was published with Emilio Jacinto as editor.   Two works of Bonifacio were published in the  Kalayaan– “Pag-ibig sa Tinubuang Lupa” and “Ang Dapat Mabatid ng mga Tagalog.”

THE PLAN FOR A REVOLUTION

      An important meeting held on 3 May 1896 concluded with a plan to rescue Rizal from Dapitan to lead the revolution.  The task was assigned to Dr. Pio Valenzuela.  Unfortunately, Rizal expressed his opposition to the idea of launching an unprepared revolution against a strong nation protected by well-armed defense force. In the end, he urged that if the revolution is inevitable, the revolutionary members should seek the help of the rich and influential people to convince them to support the cause of the revolution.  He also suggested that the service of Antonio Luna be secured by the organization because of his military expertise and affiliation with rich and influential Filipinos.

THE DISCOVERY OF THE KATIPUNAN

      The quarrel between two employees of the printing shop publishing Diario de Manila resulted in the discovery of Katipunan.  This happened after Apolonio dela Cruz was given a P2 raise in salary and Teodoro Patiño was not given any.  A heated argument sparked between them which led Patiño to confide the secrets of the Katipunan to his sister Honoria at the convent where she was staying, her tearful reaction attracted the attention of one of the nuns. The nun in turn, persuaded Patiño to tell everything he knew to Fr. Mariano Gil, the parish priest of Tondo.  After hearing the revelations, Fr. Gil contacted the authorities and urged them to raid the printing shop.  Documents, oaths signed in blood, receipts and ledgers related to Katipunan were confiscated from the shop.

ILL FATED DESTINY

     As a result of the fateful experiences he encountered in Cavite, Bonifacio planned to return to Montalban and San Mateo.  On their way to Montalban, he and his followers passed by Limbon, Indang – a place in Cavite where food was scarce and people were tightfisted. At this point, Severino de las Alas turned his back against Bonifacio. The angered Bonifacio responded with threats and words that were wrongly interpreted by the people of Indang.  The people sought the help of Aguinaldo, who immediately ordered the arrest of Bonifacio.

      On 27 April 1897, skirmishes took place between the forces of Bonifacio and Aguinaldo.  In the said scuffle, Ciriaco was killed, while Procopio and the Supremo were caught. Andres Bonifacio was stabbed in the neck, weakening him and soaking him in blood.

    The next day, the prisoners were brought to Indang Tribunal, then to Naic.  Within the day, Gen. Mariano Noriel created the tribunal that eventually tried and convicted the Bonifacio brothers of sedition, and sentenced them to death. Surprised by the decision of the tribunal, Aguinaldo commutated the verdict.  He recommended the Bonifacio brothers be exiled to an isolated island also found in Cavite.  However, Gen. Noriel and Gen. Pio del Pilar dissuaded him, arguing that by reducing the sentence, the Revolutionary Government of the Philippines would once again be at stake.  Aguinaldo, in the end, changed his mind and signed the death sentence of the Bonifacio brothers.

      On 10 May 1897, Procopio and Andres were shot at Mount Nagpatong, near Mount Buntis in Maragondon, Cavite. This event ended the short life of the Supremo.  His educational attainment and military expertise may not have been equal to that of other heroes but his love for the country was absolute.  His name will always be revered and serve as the battle cry of Filipinos who yearn for freedom oppression and injustice.

HERE COMES THE DAM
(and we remember Macli-ing Dulag)
By: Quennie Ann J. Palafox

       In September 26, 2009, Typhoon Ondoy flooded the streets of Manila Marikina, Pasig, Quezon City, and submerged the houses of the people living in the provinces of Laguna and Rizal. The water level at the Angat Dam in Bulacan almost reached the critical level of 216 meters above sea level, and had to release its water even as Ondoy. Many believed that the release of water by the Angat Dam is responsible for the flashfloods that wreaked havoc on thousands of properties and killed several people in the province of Bulacan, which included Meycauayan City, in the towns of Marilao, Bocaue and Sta. Maria. Now that we bade adios to El Niño (dry season) and say hola to La Niña (rainy season), many people, specially those who are dwelling in flood prone areas, are starting to worry that heavy rains, like that brought by Ondoy that claimed hundred of lives, will happen again.

       There is, however, another kind of destruction we seldom attributed to dams, but which is so read. Dams should not really be regarded with trepidation at all for its incapacity to arrest floods during stormy seasons, it is the negative impact of the construction of dam to the culture and history of the natives living near the dam which is essentially more destructive. With the construction of the San Roque Dam, over 160 families at the dam site in Pangasinan were forcibly displaced in early 1998. It was barely 50 years ago that the native of Cordillera people led by the bold Macli-ing Dulag opposed the government’s plan to build the Chico Dam in the land where they lived for generations and their great grandfathers grew and died.

        Clad in the G-string, Macli-ing is a notable hero for the environmental and indigenous activists for his leadership in the anti-Chico Dam campaign of the late 1970s and early 1980s. He was brave and incorruptible, the reason why he was killed. Dulag was applauded because of his principle for not being swayed to give up the fight in exchange for a handsome bribe.

       Macli-ing’s parentage and origin remains a puzzle because of the absence of birth records. Macli-ing did not attend any formal schooling but that did not prevent him in becoming a leader in his community. He was elected barrio captain of his village of Bugnay. There was even a popular story that Macli-ing in his early 20s served as a porter to guerilla fighters during the Japanese occupation in the 1940’s. He was estimated to be in his late 50s when he was murdered by government agents who were ordered to silence him. He struggled against the construction of the dam because he knew that the people would not benefit from it and instead will lose their source of livelihood.

     The government came up with the Chico River Basin Development Project in 1965 with financial assistance from the World Bank to fund the project in Cordillera. Four were planned in the Chico River and three in Abulog River in Ifugao, one in Parasilis River in Mountain Province, one in Pasil River in Kalinga-Apayao and two in Abra River The affected areas would include municipalities of Tinglayan, Lubuagan, Pasil and parts of Tabuk in the mountain Province. An estimated population of 100, 000 were feared to be displaced if the Chico Dam project pushed through.

       Long before the government bared its plan to build a dam in the Cordillera, the people were enjoying the serenity of the mountain. They observed their native practices such as ancestor worship and reverence for the spirits of the inanimate objects such as trees. Leaving their lands and their homes was difficult for the people of the Cordillera because they considered their land sacred and leaving their lands would mean their history and culture will be lost.

      Macli-ing in behalf of his people painstakingly convinced the high authorities to abandon their plans to build a dam. Those who opposed the dam were arrested and charged with offenses that they were not familiar with. Macli-ing’s resistance would be the cause of his detention with other Bugnay villagers in 1977 who joined Macli-ing to his campaign. 

     The campaign to stop the construction of the dam was gaining widespread support from the media. Government officials already desperate to pacify him sent armed men on April 24, 1980 to Macli-ing’s house. These men in uniform shot Macli-ing to death.  He was interned after a few days.

     The murder of Macli-ing fueled militant protest against the dam by other villages even if they were not affected.  Twenty years after Macli-ing’s death, the government aborted the Chico River Dam Development Project because of the strong opposition coming from the people. This historic success was achieved for a price. It was Macli-ing who paid the price with his precious life, but he took the dam with him.

SULTAN OF THE RIVER
The Rise and Fall of Datu Uto of Buayan
By: Quennie Ann J. Palafox

      In turning the page of our history, Maguindanao is barely mentioned in the chapter of Spanish occupation of the Philippines in comparison to Luzon and Visayas that are highlighted in history books. This can be understood in the light of the popular belief that Mindanao was never colonized by the Spaniards. This has been demythologized by historians citing the case of the Sultan of Cotabato who yielded to the Spanish power in the 19th century.

       However, we cannot undermine the fact Mindanao gave the Spaniards their worst headaches in colonizing the entire Philippine islands which, on the other hand, they successfully accomplished with Luzon and Visayas to which they divided among themselves like pieces of cake.  The struggles of the Muslims against the imperialistic ambition of the Spaniards lasted for very long years, even centuries. The unrelenting efforts of the Muslim to protect their sacred lands were led by their mighty leaders. One of the legendary Muslim leaders was Datu Uto, who brought the Sultanate of Buayan into its highest grandeur.  Spanish accounts on Datu Uto were malignly written describing him as a fearless, clever leader who fought the Spaniards by combining military, political, economic, and diplomatic weapons.  Other accounts on Datu Uto were evil in content depicting him as a “barbaric” and “immoral” person, and even involved him in terrorist acts.  However, there were also positive sides of Datu Uto lifted from Montero y Vidal accounts describing him as a wise ruler and incomparable to other rulers because of his vast wealth and political power. He had as many as 4, 000 to 5, 000 slaves at the peak of his power in the 1870’s, then the biggest number owned by one person, and a great deal of modern arms, including cannons or lantakas.

       The bad blood between the Muslims and Spaniards was brought about by the colonial ambition of Spain to put Maguindanao under its sphere of influence because its land was rich. The Muslims maintained friendly relations with the British who were their trading partner and the Dutch. They could have good relations with the Spaniards if the latter only offered their friendship. There were two major factors that pressed the Spanish government to change its policy towards the Muslims in Maguindanao whether by peaceful or diplomatic means: trade and suppression of piracy. The rich soil and forests of Mindanao ideal for planting of cacao and tobacco other agricultural crops for export appeared to be attractive for the Spaniards. It was also a response to British and French desire to take possession of Sulu and Basilan to safeguard the southern boundaries of the colony.

        Datu Uto, born as Sultan Anwarud-din Uto, was the son of Sultan Bangon Marajanun of Buayan, the most famous ruling family of the upper valley of Maguindanao, and Tuan Bai Sa Buayan. He lived in the nineteenth century when Maguindanao was under the “bamboo curtain” with its impenetrable political and economic structures. Uto rose to prominence in the 1860’s when he led the rebellion that proved to be the main hindrance to absolute Spanish domination of the Maguindanao territories.

        Spanish sorties to Maguindanao had added fuel to the fire to the existing rivalry between the sultanates of Cotabato and Buayan. In the first half of 19th century, Spain entered into treaties with Sulu and Cotabato in 1836 and 1837. Spanish vessels would be guaranteed protection through the payment of duties to the Cotabato and Sulu trading posts, and trading concessions to Cotabato and Sulu vessels in Manila. By this time, the Sultan of Cotabato was politically dependent to the Spanish government in order to secure its supremacy over other sultanates. In 1861, the Spaniards openly occupied the Cotabato sultanate. They raised their flag at the kota of Datu Amirol. However, a force led by Datu Maghuda, one of the Tumbao leaders, initiated a rebellion against the Cotabato sultan at Pagalungan, but was repressed by the sophisticated weapons of the Spaniards. It became known as pagalungan massacre as 200 natives were slaughtered.

        In 1864, the Spaniards having decided to punish the rebels of Talayan asked assistance fro the Sultan of Buayan, Datu Uto’s father. They provided the Spaniards force of 500 led by Col. La Hoz with guides and warriors headed by Datu Uto. Marching towards Talayan, the group came upon a field of grass, where they were suddenly attacked by knife-wielding Talayans. It seemed that Datu Uto defied his father’s order when he and his men quickly joined the Talayans and, although inferior in number, overcame the Spaniards. Datu Uto was acclaimed as the hero of that encounter. It was this battle that Datu Utto, having joined his Muslim brothers, lost his right eye, for which he acquired the title “One-eyed man”.  On this battle, Uto became the undisputed leader of the Buayan sultanate despite the fact that it was his uncle who succeeded the Buayan Sultanate when his father died in 1872. The years 1865 to 1872, was a period of stability although interrupted by some threats and counter threats between the Spanish forces and forces of Datu Uto.

        Datu Uto shared with the Sultan of Sulu the same sentiment against the Spanish incursion of Maguindanao. In 1874, Datu Uto joined forces with the sultanate of Sulu in harassing the Spaniards. The governor reacted quickly by ordering a military manhunt for him. Although the Spaniards were able to partially occupy Bakat, his foremost stronghold, Datu Uto escaped unscathed. Later through guerilla attacks, he and his men forced the Spaniards not only to relinquish their position in the stronghold but also opted, in May 1875, to establish a peace accord with Uto.

      The seeming harmony, however, was short-lived. The following year, the Spaniards occupied Jolo and by 1877, had persuaded the sultan of Tumbao to form an alliance with the sultan of Cotabato against the Buayan chief. Owing to the provisions of the 1875 treaty, the Spaniards recognized the independence of Datu Uto’s territory as long as he kept away from their strongholds. In 1885, Cotabato had a new Spanish governor, Federico Roldan, who abandoned this policy of accommodation for one of confrontation. Roldan initiated a sequence of moves to provoke renewed hostilities between his camp and that of Datu Uto.

        To make the situation worse, Governor Serina sent on February 13, 1886 sentries to demolish the grove trees sheltering the ancestral homes of Datu Uto’s family in Bakat, fortunately they spared the tombs, to give way to the construction of a planned Spanish fort on a site beside the grove. The forces of Datu Uto retaliated by engaging in a bloody fight with the Spanish forces and raiding of Christians settlements in Cotabato. 

       Trapped in the situation with no way out, Datu Uto raised the white flag on March 28 and had literally brought to the Spanish camp by his minister of war, Datu Kabalo. Howevr, Gov. Serina ordered that Uto and his wife sign a petition authorizing the Spaniards to take any place along the Pulangi River with the exception of Bakat as it was a sacred place for the Maguindanao. However, this was disregarded by the Spaniards.

       Datu Uto’s rule suffered a major blow when Sarangani Bay fell to the hands of the Spanish forces from which Uto had derived much of his sultanate’s income. In June 1886, his base in the bay was demolished. The bay’s closure to inland Maguindanao meant the loss of trade as well as access to Sulu firearms not only for Buayan but also of the sultans loyal to Spain. Incensed, these sultans formed an alliance against Uto and declared war against him that same year.

        One by one, Datu Uto’s chief followers fell, starting with Datu Kambing, followed by Datu Kaliz, and finally the Sultan of Talayan. In January 1887, Governor-General Emilio Terrero personally led an all-out war attack on Buayan itself. Every kota of Maguindanao, including that of Datu Uto, were demolished.

       The sultan of Kudarangan negotiated for absolute peace with the Spaniards followed by the pledge of loyalty to Spain by Uto’s cousin Tambilawan, the Raja Muda of Kudarangan, and by a Magundanao peace mission headed by his other uncle, Datu Silungan. Finally on March 10, 1887, Datu Uto himself, along with his wife and other datus signed the peace treaty formulated by the Spaniards and brought to him by Datu Silungan. Datu Utto gradually lost his prestige among the Datus of the Valley because of the defection of his allies. All these defections were manipulated by the Spaniards.

         After 1888, Datu Uto was stripped of his rank and his legacy was lost in the memory of the people.

        We Filipinos do turn blind eye to our heroes who fought and died for their ideas.  If not forgotten, our heroes were taken for granted because of our lack of interest in studying their lives as we found it not applicable anymore in our society that heavily relies on technologies.  It is only during the celebration of independence that we give our heroes attention, making them less invisible. Datu Uto is one of the unsung heroes in our history, but his legend lives on.