THE PANGATIAN RAID AND RESCUE
(With a Brief Introduction on the Liberation Campaign)
by Chris Antonette Piedad-Pugay

Background

The Fall of Bataan and the Infamous Death March

The Liberation Campaign

After the successful landing in Leyte, the American troops moved to the north, on the 9th of January, 1945, American troops successfully landed in Lingayen.  The sad part, however, was the fact that the shores of Lingayen was greatly destroyed through bombardments in spite of the radio message from USAFIF NL (Volckman) that there’s o need for the American to bomb the site  because the area was already cleared and the Japanese were all gone.

Meanwhile, the Lapham guerillas already occupied the towns of Aguilar, Urbiztondo and Malasiqui.  Another target of the American forces was the area of Cordillera and Caraballo Ranges which served as Yamashita’s strong hold.  A bloody fight in the Balete Pass occurred from February 21 to May 31 which counted 1, 510 fatalities and about 4, 250 casualties on the side of the Americans.

On the other hand, a rugged battle was fought for Clark Field.  The area was highly guarded by Japanese soldiers with their machine guns and mortars.  The strong resistance slowed the American operation until finally the area fell to the Americans on the 30th of January, 1945.

The Pangatian Raid and Rescue

Some prisoners of war after reaching Camp O’Donnell were eventually redeployed—some were expelled to Japan to work as laborers and some were carried to other camps.  In Camp Pangatian, the number of prisoners reached to more than 500 on the 28th of January, 1945.  All of the soldiers were weak, malnourished and tortured.  When the reports reached the American authorities, the task of conducting a rescue operation was assigned by Gen Krueger to the Sixth Army Ranger Battalion under the leadership of Lt. Col. Mucci, specifying that the prisoners must be set free—alive.

Meanwhile, the Luzon Guerilla Army Force under the leadership of Robert Lapham, the commander of the Pangasinan-Nueva Ecija Area, had long waited to rescue the prisoners; however, he never had the chance to do so because of insufficient weapons and inadequate man power.   The Rangers relied heavily on the intelligence report fed by the guerillas concerning the presence of Japanese soldiers in the areas near Pangatian.  In the morning of January 30, 1945, detailed information reached the quarters of the Rangers enabling the rescuers to continue with their efforts. At night time, with strong coordination, the Rangers and the LGAF Guerilla Army Force attacked the Pangatian Camp.  Two groups of bazooka-bearing guerillas, numbering 60 each blocked the east and west sides in order to support the rescue force that attacked the three sides.  About 800 Japanese soldiers were attracted by the firing and unfortunately for them, the guerillas responded with rifle fire, killing most of them.  At about 8:15 of that night, the rescue operation unshackled Americans, British, Dutch and Norwegian military prisoners-of-war.

The Luzon Guerilla Army Force (Lapham Guerillas)

The Lapham Guerillas, LGAF, functioned in the province of Pangasinan, northern Nueva Ecija, and northeastern Tarlac.  Initially, Second Lieutenant Robert Lapham volunteered to join his senior officer, Lt. Col. Claude Thorpe for a daring mission against the Japanese.  The plan was to attack Clark Field and destroy Japanese planes.  The assault was scheduled on April 9, 1942 but it was also the same day when Bataan fell.  Devastated, Lt. Col. Thorpe asked his men to decide whether to surrender or to disband, most of them decided to split up and move to the north in hope of joining the Filipinos who already begun their guerilla activities against the Japanese.  The decision of his men prompted Thorpe to establish the LGAF.

Meanwhile another valiant man in the person of Lieutenant Juan Pajota of the 91st Infantry Division of the Philippine Army, together with his men went north to Camp Pangatian in Nueva Ecija.  After being detached from the main body of the USAFFE, he started to regroup his men and recruit other members to go with him and “fight.”  On August of 1942, Captain Harry McKenzie passed through Pajota’s guerilla camp.  Impressed with his feats and courtesy, he promoted Pajota to Captain.  McKenzie afterwards went on his way to link up with Lapham somewhere in northern Nueva Ecija in order to establish link.  It can be presumed that Lapham and Pajota were able to establish a link and Lapham approved of Pajota’s activities evidenced by the fact that LGAF, when recovered by the U.S. Army in 1945, carried guerillas in units called Squadrons.

The LGAF became instrumental to the establishment of a beachhead by the Sixth Army in the Pangasinan shores which gave ease in the Lingayen Landing on January 9, 1945.  This group also occupied Pangasinan after Yamashita withdrew his force after coming across with America might in Leyte months earlier.  Finally, the most outstanding achievement of the LGAF was when a group of 28 officers and about 349 enlisted men assisted the Sixth Army Ranger Battalion, commanded by Lt. Col. Henry Mucci in what was considered as the “most successful mission of its types in the annals of US Military History,” which pertain to the audacious raid and rescue operation at Camp Pangatian in Cabanatuan which saved about 500 prisoners-of-war o January 30, 1945.

References:
Hartendorp, A.V.H.  “The Japanese Occupation of the Philippines Vol. 1 and Vol. 2.”   Manila: Bookmark,1967.

Paguio, Wilfredo C.  “Bataan: Land of Valor, People of Peace.”  Jardi Press, 1997.

Salazar, Generoso et al.  “World War II in the Philippines: The Luzon Central Plain,  Zambales,  Bataan and Corregidor.”  Manila: Veterans Federation of the  Philippines and University of  the Philippines Press, 1996.

“Alab ng Puso.”  Manila: Department of National Defense in cooperation with The Veterans  Federation of the Philippines.

      The first Japanese strikes in the Philippines began as early as the next day.  Bombardment targets were Nichols Field, Cavite Navy Yard, City of Manila and Fort McKinley.  It was followed by simultaneous landings by the invasion forces headed by Lt. Masaharu Homma in Lingayen, Davao, Atimonan and Mauban.  On the 10th, the Japanese troops landed in Vigan and immediately advanced to Laoag.  During those trying times, Ilocos Norte was headed by Gov. Roque, Ablan, a young and fierce leader, known for designing vast changes and developments in the said province.

     When the Japanese authorities called for the cooperation of Ilocano leaders after they landed in Vigan, Ablan vehemently refused to neither collaborate nor extend any form of services to those whom he perceived as enemies.  Instead he left Laoag to avoid arrest and transferred his government in a remote barrio near the boundaries of Ilocos and Apayao.  In here, Ablan formed the nucleus of his guerilla organization, later to become known as Governor’s Guerilla Unit (and eventually with Feliciano Madamba in the picture, became Ablan-Madamba Guerilla Unit).

       By mid-January of 1942, Ablan had the chance to meet Lt. Feliciano Madamba, USAFFE Officer from Nueva Era who was then stinging from the defeat of the 11th Infantry in La Union and Pangasinan fronts.  For a common purpose, that was liberation, the two teamed up, thus the Ablan-Madamba Guerilla Unit was finally born.

       In 27 January 1942, the Ablan-Madamba unit went to Solsona where they uncovered   rifles and weapons.  The next day, their newly formed team-up was put into test when they successfully ambushed two truckloads of Japanese soldiers heading to Banna for patrolling.  In the said encounter, sixty Japanese were killed and several of them were wounded.  In retaliation, the Japanese burned houses of prominent people in Solsona the succeeding day.

      During the height of the struggles, Ablan was able to contact President Manuel Quezon in Washington D.C twice using a radio.  In their first communication, Ablan reported to the Quezon that in spite of the trying and tough situations, Filipinos remained loyal to the Philippine government and that of United States.  On the second time, Ablan requested P100, 000 from Quezon to finance government machinery and for the payment of employees.  However, transmission of money was not that easy, thus, Quezon ordered Ablan to issue “emergency notes previously authorized by Ablan’s provincial expenditures.”

      After his communications with Quezon, small units and other independent guerilla groups went into his outfit.  In response, he divided the province into several sectors, each of which was placed under a guerrilla leader.  He assigned Lt. Isabelo Monje to take charge of operations in Batac, Paoay and Currimao; Vicente Cajigal was assigned the towns of Badoc, Pinili and Nueva Era. The governor also named Juan Albano as deputy governor; Lt. Madamba as executive officer, and Primo Lazaro and Damaso Samonte as chiefs of the intelligence corps.  Capt. Pedro Alviar was placed in charge of the counter intelligence unit.   The intelligence section was established to gather information from all possible sources.  A runner-relay system was also set up to disseminate news and send orders to different sectors, thus linking towns and scattered guerrilla camps. His headquarters was called Malacañang of the North.

       After the Japanese authorities established a headquarters in Laoag, they launched a rigid campaign to capture Ablan after they realized that he and his guerilla group had already caused them severe troubles and torment. Japanese authorities demanded Ablan to surrender and enjoy amnesty and other promising rewards; they even resorted to a policy of reconciliation fronting various prominent personages in the likes of Camilo Osias, Quentin Paredes, Jose Laurel and Benigno Aquino to serve as negotiators.  But just the same, the Japanese authorities also warned Ablan and his guerilla unit that if they insisted on fighting the Japanese, they will be hunted to the ends of the earth.  Unfortunately for the Japanese, their demand landed on deaf ears, for the man has no intention of surrendering to his perceived enemies.

       Afterwards, surprise raids against the unit’s camps became more and more frequent.  On 8 November 1942, an encounter between the Japanese troops and the guerilla unit in Pampanniki, Solsona took place leaving around 200 Japanese casualties. This could be said as the most triumphant encounter won by the unit.  Other highly successful attacks launched by the Ablan-Madamba unit include their victory at Solsona on 27 January 1942 where about 60 Japanese were killed; skirmish at Diriqui Port in Pasuquin, Ilocos Norte on 01 May 1942 which liquidated about 30 Japanese officers; encounter in Bobon, Burgos, Ilocos Norte from 4 to 5 July 1942 where 101 Japanese soldiers were killed; encounter at Bumitalag, Piddig, Ilocos Norte on 5 February 1942 and many minor combats.  The Bumitalag encounter was one of the most tragic among the battles fought by the unit; it was in this event that Governor Ablan was last seen.  People of Ilocos came to believe that he died following the skirmish.  True to his words, Roque Ablan never surrendered.

        Our beloved Gov. Roque Ablan is now a legend.  He and his memories are enshrined in the hearts of his loved ones and of his people. May his patriotism and courage be etched in our minds, to serve as example and inspiration in leading a meaningful life.

“SUCCESS BEYOND EXPECTATION”
by Chris Antonette Piedad-Pugay

      The Nasugbu Landing will not be victorious without the combined efforts and cooperation between the American Army Force and the Hunters ROTC Guerillas.  As we commemorate 63rd anniversary of the Nasugbu Landing, this article aims to pay recognition to the noble hard work of the Hunters ROTC Guerillas.

The Hunters ROTC Guerilla Unit:  An Introduction

      After the devastation of Pearl Harbor on December 7, 1941, the Philippines also endured numerous bombings from Japanese aerial formations.  Camp John hay in Baguio City was not an exemption.  After the said bombing, the Philippine Military cadets instantly felt that the bombing was something serious, especially after they received orders that they should put on their gray uniforms, check on their ammunition boxes and their guns and a follow up order to set up defense network in Baguio City.  Afterwards, these cadets were instructed to board a dozen of bus which carried them to a district in Marikina in order to set up defense position.

     Few more days passed, the cadets were carried to University of Santo Tomas to attend an intensive course in Field Service, however, before Christmas day of 1941, the school was ordered for closure.

       On January of the following year, former PMA cadets Miguel Ver and Eleuterio Adevoso had a chance to meet in San Juan.  In due course, the two were also able to establish contacts with Gustavo Ingles from Mauban, Tayabas; Raymundo Gozon an ROTC cadet from Sta. Cruz, Manila; Vicente Estacio from Taguig, Rizal and Alfredo Foz from San Juan.  On the 15th of the same month, they came up with a decision to organize themselves to a fighting unit against the Japanese.  Their decision sprung from their ultimate desire to preserve and protect free institutions and to extend their loyalty to their country amidst a tumultuous situation.  The membership of the group was generally composed of former PMA cadets, ROTC cadets from various colleges and universities as well as young out-of-school youth.

     The group recruited new members and each recruit underwent formidable challenges that tested their hearts and souls.  Due to painstaking trainings and obstacle courses, some recruits bade farewell to Lt. Ver who at that time never lost his hopes.  The group eventually named itself as Hunters ROTC Guerilla, and they portrayed a major role in one of the most successful landing during the Liberation Campaign—the Nasugbu Landing.

The Nasugbu Landing

       In the last few months of 1944, the Hunters ROTC Guerilla group made a final reorganization because of the increasing number of independent guerilla units overwhelming the provinces of Cavite and Batangas.  The Manila-Laguna-Batangas-Tayabas area was divided by an imaginary line,  areas in the east of the imaginary line were assigned to the 44th Hunters Division under the leadership of Lt. Col. Frisco Manuel while those found in the west, fell under the jurisdiction of 47th ROTC Division under Lt. Col. Emmanuel de Ocampo.  The two infantry division reported to Col. Eleuterio Adevoso.

       In a conference held at the camp of Capt. Bernard Anderson (USPIF) attended by selected officials of both Anderson and Adevoso organization, Lt. Com. Charles parsons forwarded the  information that Gen. Douglas MacArthur showed interest in Cavite and Batangas coastal areas as potential landing areas for the Liberation Campaign.

      Keen with the said statement, Adevoso guerillas conducted a study and produced a report and took possible control of the China Sea coast of Cavite and Batangas; Secondly, Adevoso established his command post in Nasugbu.

       After the triumph of the Leyte Landing on October 20, 1944, the Liberation Force advanced to the north and by the month of December eventually established airfields in Mindoro in order to place Manila within the range of American war planes.

     Finally on January 31, 1945, after few bombardments and assaults, the troops of the 1st Battalion and the 188th Glider of the Infantry of the Airborne  Division headed by the US 8th Army took the shores of Nasugbu unopposed.  At exactly 11:15 of that morning, Lt. Gen. Eichelberg, Commander of the US 8th Army commented that the reconnaissance-in-force was “successful beyond expectation.”

The Pre-Landing and Landing Participation of the Hunters ROTC Guerillas

       The Hunters ROTC Guerillas played a vital part in the pre-landing and landing operation at Nasugbu, Batangas.  First and foremost, the American Army Force in the last few weeks of January 1945 assigned them the task of supplying them updated information and soundings of the sea bottom of the Nasugbu Bay.  Complying with the task was Lt. Com. George Rowe of the Intelligence Penetration Team with Lt. Col. Domingo Angeles of the 1st Battalion, 49th  Infantry under de Ocampo’s division.

       Moreover, two days prior to the landing, 1st Battalion Commander Maj. Calixto Gasilao ordered a full force survey to determine the depth of the water and the extent and nature of Japanese installations on shore.  The task was dutifully performed by the Hunters guerillas headed by Lt. Col. Marcelo Castillo with an American counterpart from the 11th Airborne Division.  Afterwards, an exchange of intelligence reports took place followed by the outlining of the necessary plan of action for the January 31 landing.  The rest…is history.

References:
Hartendorp, A.V.H.  “The Japanese Occupation of the Philippines Vol. 1 and Vol. 2.”   Manila: Bookmark,1967.

Salazar, Generoso et al.  “World War II in the Philippines: Manila, Bicolandia and the  Tagalog Provinces.”  Manila: Veterans Federation of the Philippines and University of  the Philippines Press, 1996.

“Alab ng Puso.”  Manila: Department of National Defense in cooperation with The Veterans  Federation of the Philippines.

THE ROLE OF STUDENT ACTIVISM IN THE PHILIPPINE INDEPENDENCE
by Quennie Ann J. Palafox

       The period after the Cavite Mutiny of 1872 and the execution of the three martyred GOMBURZA priests, gave birth to a new breed of Ilustrados, such as Marcelo H. del Pilar, Jose Rizal, Graciano Lopez-Jaena, Mariano Ponce and others who sought social and political reforms. These men, who came from wealthy families, went to Europe to continue their studies where they met other Filipino students, who had already established themselves there. They later joined the Propaganda Movement, which advocated for the conversion of the Philippines from a colony to that of a province of Spain. Likewise, the propagandists demanded Filipino rights, which can only be made possible through the expulsion of the abusive friars who denied the Filipinos their political rights. This was forcefully reiterated in their official organ La Solidaridad. Although Rizal’s Noli Me Tangere was published in Berlin in 1887, the idea of writing this novel that was meant to expose the backwardness of Philippine society and its social maladies was conceived in Spain when he was a medicine student in the Universidad Central de Madrid.

       The events that transpired in the last part of the 18th century and first part of the 19th century in France, namely the French Revolution in 1789 and the fall of Napoleon Bonaparte in 1814, which deposed the old monarchies of Europe, saw the advent of new political ideas that rejected the divine rights of kings while on the other hand, injected equality and rights for all men. These periods of awakening weakened the power of the monarchs in Europe and gave power and privilege to the middle class.  On the other hand, the Cadiz constitution, which was said to be more liberal than the previous constitutions and enacted in Spain to grant reforms in its colonies, was not realized to its potential.

       Student activism in the 19th century had inculcated a new brand of political culture in the country that was meant to sweep the repressive political system of the Spanish colonial government. The ideology of liberalism that the student activists had imbibed while studying in Europe motivated them to seek for reforms. Young Filipinos who studied in Spain were surprised to see there the powerless Church in the face of the government. Newspapers openly attacked the Church, and some professors like Miguel Morayta, Grand Master of the Masonic Gran Oriente Espanol, took advantage of their university positions to challenge Catholic doctrine under the pretext of academic freedom.

      The Ilustrados also saw the better living conditions of the citizens in Spain compared to the distressing plight of their fellow Filipinos in their mother country. This ignited their dream for reforms to improve the conditions of the Filipinos who were denied freedom of expression and equal access to politics and education in contrast to citizens of Spanish blood. Disillusioned with the hope of change in the government system, student activism emerged both as a political and cultural revolt against the status quo largely due to the rampant abuses of the friars and Spanish colonial officials.  The impact of student activism had proved to be far reaching and culminated in the Revolution of 1896.

       Prior to the establishment of the Propaganda Movement in Europe, a student movement, known as the Juventud Escolar Liberal led by Felipe Buencamino, emerged in 1869. Prominent members in the student group were Paciano Rizal, Mariano Alejandrino, Gregorio Sancianco and Basilio Teodoro. The students called for educational reforms in the University through anonymous leaflets scattered through the University.

        During his student days in the country, Jose Rizal found a clandestine organization known as  Compañerismo or Compañerismo de Jehu in 1880, which Galicano Apacible described as an organization promoting civic and patriotic education among its members, and mutual protection and support. Marcelo H. del Pilar, on the one hand, made use of student groups to campaign for freedom against the encroachment of the friars in local government affairs. He even organized the Comite de Propaganda before he left for Spain which was in charge of distributing the propaganda materials, with the help of the students.

       Other heroes who became involved in the movement were Emilio Jacinto, who occupied an important role in the Katipunan while taking up his law at the University of Santo Tomas; Apolinario Mabini,  who divided his time between his law studies and his involvement with the revived Liga Filipina, the Cuerpo de Compromisarios, and the Masonic lodges, which were contributing funds to the Propaganda work in Spain; and Pio Valenzuela who was an incoming fourth year student of medicine at UST when he joined the Katipunan. However, student movements, such as the Propaganda movement, intensified in Spain because student demonstrations in universities were considered normal. In the Philippines, the students who were suspected of participating in political activities suffered persecutions.

      One of the legacies of student activism in the 19th century was its active role in stimulating nationalism in both organizational and ideological sense.  Student activism did not arise from a vacuum but was a response to the prevailing social conditions and a demonstration of discontent to the status quo. Although their nationalism sprang in Philippine soil, Europe became the breeding ground for student activists, which nurtured subversive ideas to the students and instilled in them a strong nationalist ideology. They took us to the road of independence by fostering strong nationalistic mood, which paved the way to the Revolution of 1896.

PLANTING THE FLAG IN THE ISLANDS OF DISPUTE
by Peter Jaynul V. Uckung

      A national call for the celebration of freedom will reverberate throughout the Philippines come June 12, 2012, for this is a day of freedom, of sovereignty. On June 12, 1898, the freedom of the Philippines was declared in Kawit, Cavite, while Spanish strongholds around the country came falling down before the force of renewed revolutionary fury.

        Philippine flags will once again adorn our national hi-ways. Flags in every plaza shall be exalted and offered wreaths and speeches.

      Somewhere, in the vastness of the recently renamed West Philippine Sea, there is a string of islands and islets, almost three hundred miles off Palawan that our flag should stand and proudly wave, and wave alone.

       But in so doing, we will be lighting the fuse of an international crisis.

       The string of islands being referred to are the Spratlys, which, besides the Philippines, are being claimed by China, Vietnam, Malaysia and Brunei.

      China is basing its claim through historical evidences, reaching back as far as 2nd century B.C., during the reign of Emperor Wu Di of the Han Dynasty. Ancient Chinese records had defined a definite relationship between the islands, which they named Nansha Island Group, and Imperial China.

      Vietnam contends that the same string of islands were in Vietnam’s possession since the 17th century, and by virtue of the country’s relationship with France, a former colonial master who took the island and ceded it to Vietnam when Vietnam became independent.

       Malaysia, meanwhile based its claim on the projection of its continental shelf. Brunei also gives this as reason for its own claim to the Spratlys, and also its right of exclusive economic zone.

     The government of the Philippines became aware of the significance of the Spratlys after World War II. When Tomas Cloma chanced upon the islands and claimed them.

        Between 1947 and 1950, Cloma had been visiting the Spratlys and making plans in establishing an ice plant and cannery complex. But it was only in May 1956 that Cloma raised the Philippine Flag in one of the unoccupied islands.

       Before Cloma, however, an American, Morton F. Meads, made headlines by claiming to have discovered a kingdom with a population of several thousands in the Spratlys, when he sailed from Jolo in 1945. He called it the Kingdom of Humanity.

        As ordered by then President Ramon Magsaysay, this was investigated by the Philippine Air Force, and was proven a hoax.

       Cloma, on May 15, 1956, wrote an official letter to the Philippine Government, with the information that he was claiming a territory not within the jurisdiction of any country as his own. This claim was published in local papers and even sent abroad. Cloma called his islands Freedomland. He then asked the Philippine government for protection from encroachment of other countries.

       The Philippine government considered Cloma’s right to exploit the islands except in certain islands (which were bigger that others). These islands were considered by the Philippines as de facto trusteeship of the Allies of the Second World War. The islands, occupied and used by Japan as war bases, were relinquished by Japan in a Peace Treaty signed in San Francisco in September 1951.

      With the publication of Cloma’s claim, there were quick and indignant reactions from other claimants – from China, Vietnam and Taiwan, particularly. There were claims even from the French and Dutch governments.

         Cloma then tried to organize a government for his Freedomland, complete with a constitution, whose seat of government was in an island named Pag-asa. On October 1956, Taiwanese warships visited the area; Cloma was invited for discussion aboard one of the Chinese vessels. He was detained, his ships ransacked for arms, maps and documents. The Chinese even burned Cloma’s building in the islands.

From then on the harassment began.

       The Spratly Islands were named after One British Mariner, Richard Spratly, who sailed through them in 1843. He reported his “discovery” in the Nautical Magazine. Although already named in the map as Horsburgh Storm Islands, the British Admiralty renamed them after spratly.

        In Chinese maps, this group of islands was called “Nansha” or South Sand Island. There were even documents attesting to the visit of Zheng He, or Cheng Ho to the area. He was a Chinese Muslim, a tall (some say 7ft tall) commander in chief of the Treasure fleet, an armada of 317 junks commissioned to sail the oceans of the known world in 1405 to 1432. Some of his ships were really gargantuan in size – 440 and 538 ft. in length.

       A Japanese, chemical factory mined the islands for Guano Phosphate in 1917 up to 1929. The French, in 1933, occupied an island called Itu Aba but were driven by the Japanese in 1939, when Japan converted the island into an airplane/submarine base. Japan renounced its ownership to the islands only in 1951. Five years later, Cloma would lay claim to the islands.

        In 1968, with Cloma ceding his claim to the Philippines, the Philippine government declared our right to explore and exploit the islands, based on the 1958 UN Convention on  Continental Shelf and 200 mile economic zone. The islands, by then, were considered by the Philippines as Res Nullius, meaning they belong to no one and therefore open to occupation. The Spratlys are part of the Continental Shelf of the Philippines, bolstering our claim of ownership.

        But oppositions to our claim grew stronger. By then, bordering on armed confrontation. In 1971, Congressman Ramon V. Mitra was fishing in the Spratlys when he was targeted by artillery shots by Taiwanese soldiers.

      In 1976, the real reason for the squabble for ownership of the islands reared itself when China protested a Swedish-Philippine Consortium prospecting for oil in the region.

     On June 11, 1978, President Marcos signed PD No. 1596 declaring the Kalayaan Islands a municipality of Palawan. In hydrographic chart, the Kalayaan Islands is known as “Dangerous Grounds”, popularly known as the Spratly Islands.

       In 1988, a real battle occured in one of the disputed big islands in the Spratlys, when Chines troops drove out Vietnamese troops, killing almost eighty of them.

        In 1991, Malaysia finished construction of a 17 room resort hotel in one of the islands.

       Today, the Spratly Islands are divided into territories claimed by different countries, the most belligerent of them being China. There is a popular belief that we are in our strongest legal basis when we consider the law of exclusive economic zone. But, then, this will weaken our claim that the Kalayaan Island Group is part of our national territory because we will be admitting that we do not own the said territory.

      It is undeniable that the crisis in the Spratly Islands is being generated mostly by the interest in oil, as there are plenty of reports about the potential oil and mineral riches lying beneath the scattering of island in the area.

        Among  the claimants, the Philippines and China are the countries most actively pursuing their ownership. Recently, diplomatic protests had been declared by us and by China. Economic embargo and military threats had been unleashed by China, severely damaging the revenues of our government and shaking the confidence of our people on the security of the nation. It is ironic how our relations with China has come nearly to mutual hostility when there are plenty of historical lessons, considering our relations since ancient times with China, to remind us how to avoid such confrontation like the one we are having now in the Spratly Islands.

       Consider this, in 1417 Sulu Chieftain, Paduka Batara, visited China to pay homage to Emperor Yung Le, Batara had with him a retinue of 340 persons. The Sulu Chieftain died in China and was buried in Dezhou, two of his sons stayed in China to take care of his tomb. In June 1733, the Sultan of Sulu, Mahmud Badr-Ud-Din sent an envoy to China’s Emperor Yong Cheng, to express gratitude for the royal treatment given to the tomb of Paduka Batara, his ancestor.

       During the Philippine colonial era, the Spaniards made it a policy to isolate the Chinese from Filipino natives. During pre-colonial era, the Chinese can live anywhere. In 1581, the first Chinese “Parian” (marketplace) was erected, in a marshy ground near Intramuros. It quickly became the economic center of manila. But this did not dispel the suspicion of the Spaniards upon the Chinese. The Chinese were also feeling the pressure of racial discrimination from the Spaniards. When the Spaniards began preparing for what they thought was an imminent attack from China, the Chinese in Manila were so unnerved and decided to save themselves by striking first.

       On October 3, 1603, Manila was attacked by the Chinese. Pampangan warriors were rushed to the city and helped drove the Chinese away. The Chinese made their last stand in San Pablo City. Almost 23,000 Chinese perished in the rebellion.

       Abusive tribute collectors and unreasonable labor practice inspired another Chinese revolt in 1639. Several towns in Cavite, Batangas and Bulacan were sacked by the Chinese rebels. They eventually retreated to Laguna and there, in Cavinti and Lumban, put up their last defense. In 1640 they surrendered in Pagsanjan. Almost 24,000 Chinese perished.

      There was also a Chinese revolt in 1662 brought about by the threat of Koxinga, the Chinese conqueror of the Dutch in Formosa (Taiwan). The Spaniards, fearing an attack by Koxinga, immediately began to arm the colony, arousing fear among the Chinese residents. Soon, there were armed confrontations that led to open hostilities between the Chinese residents and the Spaniards. The Chinese fled to Taytay and Antipolo where they were  defeated by Pampangan force.

        The last Chinese revolt occurred in 1762, coinciding with the British occupation of Manila. Chinese in Pampanga concocted a plan to rise in arms. But the plan was betrayed to the Spaniards, and the plotters arrested and hanged.  The Spanish governor-general ordered the massacre of the Chinese throughout the country. About 6,000 of them were killed. The event was remembered as the Red Christmas of 1762.

        One shining moment of Filipino-Chinese relation worth mentioning occurred during World War II. When Japan invaded the Philippines in 1941 , Chinese youths organized themselves into a guerrilla unit called Philippine-Chinese Anti Japanese Guerilla Force or Wha-Chi. Theirs was a very effective guerrilla unit who participated in battles, ambushes and espionage against the Japanese. So grand was the gratitude of Filipino civilians to these rag-tag intrepid guerillas that they erected monuments for them. In Sta. Cruz, Laguna stands one Wha-Chi monument so that people will not forget their heroic effort in fighting the Japanese.

        The lessons so painfully etched into the pages of history should guide us in dealing with the territorial squabbling for the Spratly Islands. History has given us the right and wisdom to effect a diplomatic solution to the crisis, without having to be manipulated into a state of belligerency.

        War is never an option and is the end of all things civilized.

Source:

1. Hsiao Shiching, The nanshas (Spratlys) Disputes, Quezon City, Philippines, 1999.

2. Government States Position on Imbroglio Over Isles, New Philippines, Vol. VI, February 1974.

3. Gregorio Zaide, Philippine Political and Cultural History, Manila, Philippines, 1957.

4. Gregorio Zaide, History of the Filipino People, The Modern Book Co. Manila, Philippines, 1969.

5. Freedom Islands Occupied by Aliens? Manila Times, July 8, 1971, p. 10.

6. Joe Hung, The Contest for the Spratly Islands, Manila Chronicle, July 13, 1971, p. 5.

7. Walter W. Brown, Freedomland and Oil, Manila Chronicle, July 11, 1971, p.7.

8. Uk, Netherlands Drops Spratly Trustees Right, Manila Times, July 21, 1971, p. 26.

9. Jack Foisie, Spratly Islands “owners” Mushroom, August 10, 1971, p.20.

10. Ramon Tulfo, Cloma, Discover of Freedomland, Times Journal, February 9, 1874, p. 5.

11. Primitivo Mijares, RP Stand: Let the UN Settle Dispute Over the Spratlys, Philippine Daily Express, February 16, 1974, p. 4.

12. Julius Fortuna, 5 Nations to begin Talks on Spratlys, Daily Globe, July 5, 1991.

13. Spratlys Claimants Wary of China Move, Daily Inquirer, February 29, 1992, p. 1.

14. Romy V. Mapile, Oil Exploration in Spratlys Stirs Protests, Manila Bulletin, June 7, 1992, p. 1.

15. Bernadette E. Tamayo, US: Manila can’t invoke defense fact on Spratly, Philippine Times Journal, July 18, 1992, p. 1.

16. Manny Mogato, Sino Ships Harass Navy Supply Boat, Manila Times, May 29, 1999, p. 1.

17. We owe 2 atolls, Malaysia insists, Manila Times, June 21, 1999, p. 1.

18. Christine Avendano, China Frustate Asean on Spratlys, Philippine Daily Inquirer, p. 1.

       Periodicals are the most accessible and affordable sources of daily information because of their availability. For more than a century, print media in the Philippines has been instrumental not only in promoting the government but also in voicing out the grievances of a populace in dilemma.

       According to the late journalist Amando J. Malay, “In struggles for freedom, armed or otherwise, newspapers always play a major role in rallying the people to the cause and making known the principles for which the struggle is being waged.

      History has borne witness to the Filipino’s struggle for freedom and justice. History records how the colonial governments suppressed the freedom of expression during the 1800s and 1900s. Any criticism to foreign tyranny was associated with rebellion. In an age when the internet, radio and television were still non-existent. La Solidaridad became so widely circulated that it helped awaken the upper class to the horrors of colonial oppression. aside from the Illiustrados (the educated Filipinos), the Katipuneros also attempted to have their own publication, purchasing a printing press through the generosity of Francisco del Castillo and Candido Iban. The Kalayaan was publish as the Katipunan’s official organ. Unfortunately, the government’s discovery of the organization led to the immediate closure of the newspaper, with only one issue dated 18 January 1896, being published.

The 1896 Revolution and the Spanish-American War of 1898 ended. Emilio Aguinaldo declared the first Philippine Independence. However, the Filipinos’ dream of absolute sovereignty was derailed with the signing of the Treaty of Paris on December 10, 1898. In response to this injustice, nationalist newspapers such as the La Independencia (Independence), El Heraldo de la Revolucion (Herald of the Revolution) and El Renacimiento (Renascence) were established to campaign for recognition of Philippine sovereignty.

       With the outbreak of the Philippine-American War in 1898, the country’s newspaper continued to rally the Filipino people to fight for their nation. Some newspapers even resorted to reporting on the corrupt practices of the American military, if only to bolster the people’s morale. One of these newspapers was El Renacimiento.

        In 1942, when the Japanese invaded the Philippines, the nationalist aspiration for independence was hampered once again. Through the media, the Japanese government promoted “Asia for the Asians” policy. According to writer Dominador Buhain, “Japanese propaganda methods included the monopoly of all forms of media”… The press played a major role in the propaganda movement. It was asked to disseminate to the public the perceived common objectives of Japan and the Philippines.” The Japanese took control of the Tribune, for propaganda purposes, which eventually became a daily serial.

      Nonetheless, the Japanese gag of mainstream media caused the birth of the underground press. It became a nationwide phenomenon that intensified the desire of Filipinos to end Japanese abuses. A popular newspaper established by Leon Ty, with the title The Liberator, was widely read by the guerrillas in Manila, Rizal, Bulacan and Cavite. Other underground publications also appeared such as The Lico Chronicle, Ateneo War News, Kalibo War Bulletin and Matang Lawin. The Huks also printed their own papers namely The Aspirant, Hukbalahaps, Katubusan and Ing Masala, to inform the readers on the continuing guerrilla activities. During the Japanese-American War, Amado V. Hernandez, president of the Philippine Newspaper Guild, published several articles which discussed political issues including Japanese collaboration, the resurrected landlordism, executions of guerrilla leaders and re-arrival of American military forces in the Philippines.

       Press censorship ended after the Second World War. Competitiveness in the print industry was revived and only a few pre-war newspapers resumed publication at the beginning of the post-war period. Among of those which were able to withstand the financial crisis caused by the devastating war were The Manila Times, Manila Chronicle, Manila Daily Bulletin, The Philippines Herald, Daily Mirror, The Evening News and Taliba.

        Three decades of free press ensued from this period-only to be silenced by the declaration of Martial Law in 1972. Press censorship of the past reared anew its ugly head, shaking the pillars of our democratic nation. President Ferdinand Marcos issued Letter of Instruction No. 1, instructing the Press Secretary and Defense Secretary to take over the privately owned media facilities to prevent them from aggravating the national emergency and influence the public to undermine the administration’s competency in addressing social dilemmas. The government immediately sequestered the following publications – Daily Star, The Manila Times, Evening News, Manila Chronicle and Philippines Herald. Presidential Issuances No. 1834 and No. 1835 served as media warnings to “self-censorship” and “responsible reporting.” Newspaper publications were closed down by the government. Journalists who had published anti-Marcos articles went under military interrogation. Some of them were jailed and killed.

        The 1980’s saw a resurgence of Philippine journalism with the rise of the alternative press such as We Forum, Who Magazine and Pahayagang Malaya. In 1981, the Philippine Panorama editor Letty Jimenez Magsanoc was reprimanded by Malacanang for its editorial which cast aspersion on the inauguration of the new Republic. In 1983, the authoritarian regime closed down We Forum, for publishing articles which were considered subversive by the Marcos administration. However, its sister publication, Malaya continued the crusade of We Forum. On December 9, 1985, the Philippine Inquirer (now Philippine Daily Inquirer) was founded by Eugenia Apostol and Letty Magsanoc-Jimenez. The Inquirer enthusiastically documented the presidential campaign of Corazon Aquino and openly attacked the Marcos dictatorship. On February 5, 1986, The Manila Times was reopened. Veteran journalist Amando Doronila resurfaced as a columnist of the Times during those years and wrote hard-hitting commentaries that contributed to the fail of the dictatorial government.

       The triumph of the people in the 1986 EDSA Revolution re-opened the doors of a vibrant and dynamic media. Freedom of the press was redeemed.

          Through the various phases of our history, the print media has contributed substantially to our emancipation from being colonial subordinates. It has guided us in discerning the deceptions of dictatorship. It records daily our defeats and victories as a people. The print media continues to be an agent of change in the continuing socio-political transformation of our nation.

Preferences:

Buhain Dominador
A History of Publishing in the Philippines. 1998. Rex Bookstore.

Malay, Armando J.
               The Fighting Newspapers (Article from The Filipino Heritage Volume 8. pp. 2068-2070) 1978. Lahing Pilipino Publishing Inc.

Valenzuela, Jesus Z.
              History of Journalism in the Philippine Islands. 1993. Central Printing Press.

Woods, Damon L.
             The Philippines: A Global Studies Handbook. 2006. ABC-CLIO Inc.

Internet Links:

http://time.com/time/magazine/article/0,9171,1555001,00.html
http://verafiles.org/edsa-1-as-seen-by-two-journalists-with-alternative-press/
http://gov.ph/1972/09/22/letter-of-instruction-no-1/

¹ Henri Turot, First Philippine President (1898-1901): Emilio Aguinaldo, translated from the French by Pacifico Castro (Manila: Trademark Publishing Corporation, 1998) 140.

² Henri Turot, Les hommes de révolution: Aguinaldo et les Philippins (Paris: Librairie Léopold Cerf, 1900) 100-101.

³ Henri Turot, First Philippine President (1898-1901): Emilio Aguinaldo, translated from the French by Pacifico Castro (Manila: Trademark Publishing Corporation, 1998) 140.

⁴ Henri Turot, Les hommes de révolution: Aguinaldo et les Philippins (Paris: Librairie Léopold Cerf, 1900) 101.

⁵ Henri Turot, First Philippine President (1898-1901): Emilio Aguinaldo, translated from the French by Pacifico Castro (Manila: Trademark Publishing Corporation, 1998) 141.

⁶ Henri Turot, Les hommes de révolution: Aguinaldo et les Philippins (Paris: Librairie Léopold Cerf, 1900) 102-103.

⁷ Henri Turot, First Philippine President (1898-1901): Emilio Aguinaldo, translated from the French by Pacifico Castro (Manila: Trademark Publishing Corporation, 1998) 141.

⁸ Henri Turot, Les hommes de révolution: Aguinaldo et les Philippins (Paris: Librairie Léopold Cerf, 1900) 103.

⁹ Emilio Aguinaldo, Reseña Veridica de la Revolucion Filipina (True Version of the Philippine Revolution) (Manila: National Historical Institute, 2002) 97-98.

¹⁰ Emilio Aguinaldo, Reseña Veridica de la Revolucion Filipina (True Version of the Philippine Revolution) (Manila: National Historical Institute, 2002) 100-101.

¹¹ Emilio Aguinaldo, Reseña Veridica de la Revolucion Filipina (True Version of the Philippine Revolution) (Manila: National Historical Institute, 2002) 114.

A TRIBUTE TO THE PHILIPPINE FLAG
By Ferdinan S. Gregorio

      During the time when our Archipelago was not yet a Spanish or American colony, our ancestors were already using different banners to represent their identity. The rulers in Luzon and Visayas had their own standards denoting their tribal affiliation. In Mindanao, red Turkish flags were used by the Moros as religious symbols. Aside from those venerated pieces of cloth, the early Filipinos also carved woods and stones, shaping them into animals, fruits or whatever thing that could characterize their ethnicity. 

      Today, proper education allows us to acquire nationalist concepts. We were taught in school that showing respect to our national symbols is an act of patriotism. One of the most important symbols of our country is the Philippine flag which is a fruit of our heroes’ martyrdom. It is a tangible heritage of our race, a sacred emblem of our nation.

      Our flag is not only a symbol but an expression of pride. To refresh our memory, all of us were very proud when Romy Garduce planted the Philippine flag at the peak of Mount Everest. We were in high spirits each time Manny Pacquiao raises our flag in his fights. We are very proud when WWE superstar Batista showed a portion of his body with a tattoo depicting the Philippine flag. If the Filipina-Mexican Jessica Sanchez had won the American Idol 2012, surely, crowds of Pinoys waving the Philippine flag would be the one of most visible scenes on TV.  This kind of pride is not felt by Filipinos alone. Even the Yankees had shown pride when Neil Armstrong planted the American flag on the moon. The Egyptians gloriously waved their flag after the triumphant ouster of Hosni Mubarak.

      Our flag is a reflection of history. Everytime we see the flag, the most common thing that comes to our mind would be Marcela Agoncillo, Emilio Aguinaldo, the Battle of Alapan, the historic June 12, 1898 or anything significant that is recorded in our history books. Our flag reminds us that we were once a colony of the Spanish and American governments. It is an indication that we should never let foreign oppression rule again in our soil.
 
      Our flag is a marker of sovereignty. On June 12, 1898, the highlight of the inauguration of the first Philippine Independence was when President Aguinaldo waved the flag in the air while the crowd were singing the national anthem. That flag was a visual representation not only of the reclaimed independence but the burning fervor of the celebrating Filipinos. On July 4, 1946, the hoisting of the Philippine flag in replacement of the American flag was a formal acknowledgement that our former colonizers recognized this country as a sovereign nation.

      The nation observes National Flag Day every 28th day of May. A simple way of expressing respect to the national flag is the public display of the Philippine flag in our homes from May 28 to June 12 in commemoration of the Philippine Flag Days.  Let us join in paying tribute to one of our emblems of our being Filipinos.

ON NATIONAL FLAG DAY:
Celebrating Two Battles and A Patriot’s Legacy
By Cielo G. Reyno

THE DECLINING REVERENCE FOR THE PHILIPPINE FLAG
by Quennie Ann J. Palafox


    A century after the banning of the flag, we shall again celebrate National Flag Day on May 28, 2012. It was in those dark days of the American occupation of the Philippines when the Philippine Commission passed Act No. 1696 or the Flag Law of 1907 which prohibited the Filipinos from using or displaying the Philippine flag, the Katipunan flag and other revolutionary emblems in public. The Americans legislated the ban to curb nationalist sentiments as flags were treated as seditious materials that would incite rebellion.  This move cultivated animosity on the part of the Filipinos. To rectify this status quo, Senator Rafael Palma sponsored Senate Bill No. 1, repealing the Flag Law of 1907. But the bill failed to pass into law. It took twelve years before the ban on the Philippine flag was lifted when Governor General Francis Burton Harrison signed on October 24, 1919, Act No.  2871. On March 26, 1920, the Philippine Legislature enacted Act. No 2928 which provided for the adoption of the Philippine flag as the official flag of the Philippines.  In 1932, however, a Chinese violated an act against the Philippine flag in his eagerness to promote his laundry business located at Lara Street in Binondo, Manila. He used the picture of the Filipino flag as a poster to state that all kinds of clothes were cleaned in his laundry shop. The accused was found guilty and fined twenty pesos.

    While our forefathers fought their way to repeal the Flag Law of 1907 that barred the Filipinos from displaying their flag, many Filipinos today do not respect the flag. Some use the Philippine flag as props or costume, an incorrect way of expressing nationalism. Recently, a local girl group was castigated for wearing costumes designed to imitate the national flag as seen on the cover of their latest album. Even foreign artists have joined the fad of making an outrageous display of the Philippine flag through their costumes like musician Steven Patrick Morrissey who recently performed in Manila wearing a pink shirt and jeans, and the Philippine flag wrapped around his waist. Such acts violate the present Flag Law which prohibits the wearing of the National Flag in whole or part as a costume or uniform.

     Philippine flags fly all over the country but one can sometimes see shameful instances of tattered flags on display, or flags inverted or arranged in improper order such as those on the flagpoles of some government agencies. Last year, a group of men were caught on video mishandling and then wrapping the flags over their heads to protect them from the sun after removing the flags from the poles. This is against the Flag Law, since it prohibits the mutilation, defacing, defiling, trampling on, casting contempt, or committing any act or omission casting dishonor on the Philippine national flag.

    A similar case happened in 1999 when a former Barangay official in Tacloban City who in trying to abide by the city ordinance requiring motorcab owners to put curtains on their motorcabs, used a Philippine flag as curtain. She cut the flag into two and placed half, bearing the three stars and the sun, upside down in the back of the driver’s seat. The other half, she hung in the cab’s entrance. As punishment of the lady, the police chief superintendent ordered her to sing the National Anthem and recite the Panatang Makabayan. On her first try, she failed to sing in full the national anthem, as well as recite in full, the oath of allegiance. This seems to typify the Filipinos lack of awareness or appreciation of the relevance of the Philippine flag and the role it occupies in our history. Displaying the flag improperly reflects our lack of nationalism as we do not give justice to what the flag symbolizes for our country. This is a disgrace to the national flag because it is not mere a piece of cloth, it embodies the ideals of our forefathers who sacrificed their lives for the sake of freedom.

    It was the late Senator Blas F. Ople who authored the bill which became Republic Act No. 8491 “An Act Prescribing the Code of the National Flag, Anthem, Motto, Coat-of-Arms and other Heraldic Items and Devices of the Philippines” in 1998. This law penalizes any act casting dishonor, ridicule or contempt on the national flag or the national anthem. The law provides rules, guidelines and standards on the proper hoisting and display of the flag; technical specification and criteria in the making of the flag; allowable uses, as well as prohibited acts, relating to the flag; and the correct rendition of the national anthem.  In 2010, the House of Representatives passed the House Bill 465 or An Act Prescribing the Code of the National Flag, Anthem, Motto, Coat-of-Arms and Other Heraldic Items and Devices of the Philippines which updated the earlier law and has more teeth. As a measure of protection for the National Anthem, the Philippine Flag and other heraldic items, the law criminalizes the improper use of the Philippine flag and other heraldic items and devices as advertising tools for political or private purposes; and as clothing or fashion accessories in ways that are also prohibited.

    Under the Flag and Heraldic Code, the flag should never be used to cover a desk or table; as covering for a ceiling or receptacle; or as drapery of any sort whatsoever. When used in unveiling a statue or monument, the flag should not be allowed to touch the ground. It cannot be displayed in front of buildings or offices occupied by foreigners or even in local discotheques, cockpits, night and day clubs, casinos, gambling joints and places of vice or where frivolity prevails. The Philippine Flag should not be used as a pennant in the hood, side, back and top of motor vehicles.  It is also prohibited to add any word, figure, mark, picture, design, drawings, advertisement, or imprint of any nature on the National flag.  

    The Philippine flag has stood as witness to the glorious events in our struggle to attain independence. The flag was hoisted for the first time at the port of Cavite Nuevo on May 28, 1898, the same day the Battle of Alapan was won by the Filipinos against the Spanish forces in Imus. This served as the historical basis for declaring May 28 as the National Flag Day. The Philippine flag was formally raised during
the proclamation of Philippine independence in Kawit, Cavite on June 12, 1898. It was again raised when our sovereignty was given back to us by the United States on July 4, 1946.

     On National Flag Day every 28th of May, we honor not only the Philippine flag, but also what our heroes have fought for.  Let National Flag Day be our reminder that we are one nation enjoying the benefits of sovereignty united by the ideals of democracy. Let it be a moment to pause and take the time to appreciate what the flag represents for each Filipino. Thus, let us sing with immense pride the national anthem and show respect to the national flag- mirrors of our greatness as a race.

VICENTE ALVAREZ AND THE BATTLE FOR FORT PILAR
By: Quennie Ann J. Palafox

       For decades, many believed that Mindanao did not participate in the Philippine Revolution against Spain in 1896 and 1898, and that it was led by the Tagalogs and the Visayans from Luzon and the Visayas respectively. Mindanao’s place in the history of the Philippine Revolution is not often highlighted in history books when in fact, the people in Mindanao struggled for freedom like what the Tagalogs and the Visayans did.

      One of the biggest military feat in Mindanao is the capture of Fort Pilar in Zamboanga including the Spanish troops and their commander, General Diego de los Rios, last Spanish governor general of the Philippines. This became possible through the leadership of Gen. Vicente S. Alvarez.

      Alvarez was born on April 5, 1862 and was the fifth son of Alvarez y Villasis and Isidora Solis. After finishing his early education in the Liceo de Zamboanga, he studied in the Ateneo de Municipal in Manila and the Spanish Military Academy. He worked in the office of the Spanish governor general in Malacanang Palace before going to Sulu to support Jamalul Kiram II to gain the throne of the Sulu against other rival claimants.

      When the Philippine Revolution spread to Mindanao, he organized an army of Christian Filipinos, Tribal warriors, and Muslim Krismen and fought the Spaniards for freedom’s sake.

       Alvarez initiated the revolution in Zamboanga, in March 1898. He was able to take control of the peninsula, except the port of Zamboanga and Fort Pilar, which were fortified by the Spanish forces.

      The Revolutionary Government was organized by Alvarez, Ramos and Calixto with Calixto having the rank of major, Ramos as captain and in command of the two companies assisted by Captain Gowito Sebastian, and Alvarez who was unanimously appointed as the general of the revolutionary forces. Together, they constituted the Revolutionary Council.

        The revolutionists much needed military arms came to them when a fortunate thing happened in favor of them. One of the two ships owned by a gunrunner based in Sandakan that supplied arms, ammunition and food to the Spaish forces in Tawi-Tawi, Jolo and Basilan and Zamboanga, ran aground near the Mariki Island because of a sudden storm. As a result, he decided to take all the men along, leaving behind the arms cargo of the fateful ship.

        When this information reached Alvarez who transferred the Revolutionary Command to Masinloc, he ordered his men to look over the ship. They were able to get the rifles, guns, ammunition, food and others much needed supplies.

        The Revolutionary Council based at Masinloc was able to plan the attack on Fort Pilar after being fully armed. Anticipating the attack, the Spniads set up the first line of defense but the revolutionary forces were able to penetrate the Spanish defense line by the use of native fishing boats that stole into Santa Barbara landing just below the Barrio’s wharf. Santa Barbara was set on fire by the revolutionary forces following the evacuation of the residents.

        By March 1899, Gen. Alvarez decided to temporarily withdraw his forces from the battle scene leaving a few men within the vicinity to keep vigil over the Spaniards inside the fort. Hostilities were resumed on April 27, 1899. Prior to that, massive troop preparations were made by the revolutionary forces within the vicinity. Gen. Alvarez wanted to inflict a major assault on the enemies’ side. Realizing their vulnerability to the attack coming from the revolutionary forces, the Spanish troops withdrew and regrouped inside Fort Pilar where they could make their last stand.

      The Spanish troops and the revolutionary forces continued to exchange fire for three days as the former did not want to surrender. Spanish artillery fire began to slacken its tempo and the revolutionary forces took the advantage of it and ordered the artillery forces to increase the bombardment. When Gen. Alvarez saw that the Spanish troops could was on the verge of losing the fight, Alvarez called for a truce.

         Captain Gowito was chosen as head of the truce team. The truce team conveyed the message of Gen. Alvarez that the fort defenders were fighting a losing war and demanded for their surrender. Captain Gowito said that he would mean an end to the hostilities and free passage to all Spanish forces outside on their way to Manila.

        At first, General de los Rios refused the conditions of the truce on grounds that it would involve international protocol. However, he appealed to Gen. Alvarez through Captain Gowito to allow the civilians and dependent inside the fort to leave Zamboanga under a flag of truce. Gen. Alvarez agreed but that no military personnel from the Spanish side would be allowed out of the fort. Thereafter, his men were posted close to the fort to make certain that no one among the Spanish troops would sneak out. . The evacuation of the family and dependents of the Spanish troops took several days; some of them who were wounded were boarded. Those who were natives of Zamboanga and preferred to remain were evacuated to the suburbs.

       By May 10, the Spanish personnel inside the fort were surprised to see their fortress surrounded on all sides by the force headed by Captain Ramos along the delta and Major Calixto whose men were already posted across from the aqueduct along the beach. At this point in time, the Spanish forces inside the fort prepared themselves for the attack.

       General Alvarez sent Capt. Gowito to inform General delos Rios that the truce was formally ended and that the attack would follow. General Alvarez knew that both sides were preparing for the eventuality and it was just as matter of time when the fort would fall into his hands. Evidently, the Spanish Governor General wanted Gen. Alvarez to take the initiative, which he did by ordering the guns position behind to fire the first salvo immediately after Captain Gowito had returned.

       The exchange of fires between the Spanish troops and revolutionary forces resumed despite the fact that the Spaniards were no longer in a position to make use of the cannons mounted on the breastwork.

      By the following week of May, there was hardly any of the fort defenders who would post himself on the parapets. More forces from the revolutionary side were arriving to surround the fort and demoralize the Spanish forces.

        On the 17th of May, General de los Rios finally gave up the fight and admitted the defeat of the Spanish forces when a white flag was hoisted above the breastwork. He sent a small party under a flag of truce to get in touch with Gen. Alvarez that he would surrender the fort. Thus, Gen. Alvarez ordered his men to hold their fire. The bugle was sounded inside the fort and this was followed by the opening of the massive doors of the gate. The Spanish forces inside the fort were lined at the square with their rifles orderly piled before them. General de los Rios and some of his men stood in formation; he was help up by an aide as he was badly wounded on the knee.

        General Alvarez, together with Maj. Calixto, Captain Ramos, Gowito and Nidel entered the fort on the morning of May 18, 1899. General de los Rios saluted General Alvarez to acknowledge his victory; General Alvarez also returned the courtesy.

      On the same day, Gen. Baldomero Aguinaldo, cousin of Pres. Emilio Aguinaldo, arrived in Zamboanga carrying the presidential message confirming Alvarez’ title as general.

Reference:

Rony Bautista. Zamboanga’s Gen. Vicente Alvarez: His Concept of National Unity, 1979, Mimeograph Copy, pp. 22-32

Filipinos in History Vol. 5. National Historical Institute