BETRAYAL OF TRUST – THE SAN JUAN DEL MONTE BRIDGE INCIDENT
by Quennie Ann J. Palafox

      Without any single doubt, the Filipino-American War is one of the most unforgettable events in our history because in just one day, the fate of the nation was changed and its impacts are still felt to date and will persist down to the future generation.

      The following events that happened preceding to the San Juan accident led to the worsening of Filipino-American relations: the American order of the retreat by the Aguinaldo’s army of the strategic points along the Manila Bay area; the Filipino soldiers were prevented to enter the city after its capitulation and the areas to be occupied by the Filipino troops were limited; and, the controversy behind the signing of the infamous Treaty of Paris on December 10, 1898 without the consent of the Filipinos.

When Gen. Emilio Aguinaldo declared the much-awaited independence of the country on June 12, 1898 in Kawit, Cavite the Filipinos thought that they are completely free at last and they have found new ally in the Americans. However, they never imagined that the alliance will be cut-short as the real intentions of the Americans were unveiled after the American expeditionary contingent under Maj. Gen. Arthur MacArthur arrived in July, completing the estimate of 15, 000, military troops by Gen. Nelson Miles, the overall ranking officer in the US Army. The frank and straightforward warning from the American command to fire on any Filipino revolutionary who would cross the American areas manifested a deception.

      Aguinaldo, fully aware that the Philippine sovereignty needed foreign recognition, sent Don Felipe Agoncillo to sought audience in Washington DC but failed to win the Filipino cause. On December 10, 1898, the United States and Spain formally concluded the Treaty of Paris, in which Spain ceded the Philippines to the United States for $20 million. This was followed by Pres. McKinley’s declaration of the Policy of Benevolent Assimilation on December 21, 1898, to prevent the adverse reaction of the Filipino people against the American occupation and rule. Another event that aroused the suspicion of the Filipinos was when the first Philippine Commission led by Jacob Schurman set foot on the country to conduct a survey of the islands and come up with a recommendation as to the most appropriate kind of government should be established for the Filipinos.

       In the last week of January 1899, hostility had worsened between Filipinos and American troops as movements were restricted from both sides in their respective territories. This infuriated the Filipinos and felt that they were being alienated in their own land. Both parties had agreed upon drawing the ‘line of demarcation’ between the two forces. There were acts of injustice and prejudice committed by American officials, officers, and soldiers against Aguinaldo, his men, and ordinary citizens.

       On February 1, a group of American engineers was arrested by the Filipino troops. General Otis protested to Gen. Aguinaldo. The latter replied that the five Americans were not arrested but only detained. Furthermore, he explained that the Americans were found within the Filipino lines and that they were detained in accordance with the decree of October 20, 1898 prohibiting foreigners from approaching the Filipino defensive works.

        This incident was followed on February 2 when General Arthur MacArthur protested the presence of Col. Luciano San Miguel’s soldiers within his territory. The latter in order to appease the former, ordered his men to withdraw from the American lines.

        Finally, on February 4, 1899, Private William W. Grayson, an American sentry stationed near the San Juan Bridge shot and killed two unarmed Filipino soldiers trying to cross into the American-held sector. After the shot, the Filipinos began firing.

        Aguinaldo the next day sent a representative to Otis to deliver his message to the American commander to prevent antipathies and that the firing on the side of the Filipino soldiers on that had been against his order. Otis, who was so confident of American victory, answered the “fighting, having begun, must go on to the grim end”. It can be concluded that the Americans took advantage of this incident to declare war. Consequently, Aguinaldo sent a telegram to all local chiefs informing them of the start of the Filipino-American hostilities and ordering them to prepare the people for any emergency. Aguinaldo who wanted to find out the origin of the incident designated Felipe Buencamino, Sr. to carry out an investigation. On the other hand, the American military authorities made no attempt to investigate the incident. Instead, they ordered an all-out attack against their former allies. The following day marked the beginning of the Filipino-American War and it took the Americans three years to subjugate the Filipinos.

WHAT THEY SAY ABOUT RM
by Dr. Augusto V. de Viana

He set the example not only for government officials and functionaries to
follow but for the nation as a whole to emulate. He impressed upon the bureaucracy
that government of!ces is not for enrichment and self aggrandizement but for
service to the people, especially to the lowly folk in line with his famous dictum,
those who have less in life should have more in law.

To the common man Magsaysay.s most unforgettable trait is his
approachability. Wherever he went, he was mobbed by crowds and it was an
ordinary sight for him to entertain each one.s problem, small or big, from a distraught
mother asking for aid to get medicine to a tenant-farmer seeking justice in a land
dispute.

In his speeches especially at gatherings in the provinces, Magsaysay
would stress that the government exists for the people and not the other way
around. .without the people there will be no government, no President, wala ako,.
he liked to say.

-Conrado F. Estrella, .Remember Magsaysay,. Manila Daily Bulletin, August
31, 1987.

.Ramon Magsaysay was the idol of the masses, and half-a-million
countrymen cheered him as he took his oath of of!ce as the third President of
the Republic of the Philippines in the grandstand by Manila Bay on December 30,
1953.

Offered a Cadillac for the ride to Malacañang, he chose instead a borrowed
Ford convertible with its top down. The crowd clutched him as it followed the car;
his shirt was in tatters when he reached Malacañang.

Former Senator Manuel Manahan, who had been in the car, recounts that
RM reappeared after having changed his shirt and asked, .Where are the people?.
When the security chief explained that he had locked the palace doors, President
Magsaysay ordered angrily, Open all gates and doors. You have no authority to
bar the people from me..

Continues Sen. Manahan: Magsaysay taught us how a freely elected
president could work in a troubled nation like the Philippines. Above all, he
showed us how grandly we Filipinos can respond, given the chance, to dynamic,
democratic and incorruptible leadership..

Writes Sen. Manahan, .To a nation weary of corruption, Magsaysay
seemed like a man from another planet.#.

-Leonor Orosa Goquinco Ramon Magsaysay: The Guy and President,
The Philippine Star, August 26, 1990.

RM heard that a tenant farmer, Hermogenes Antonio, had been beaten
up by his landlord. Annoyed by the inaction of his subordinate, RM himself drove
off to Barrio Bantug, Muñoz, Nueva Ecija, 90 miles from Manila. He had the guilty
hacendero put on trial and the court had the culprit jailed for three months.

After RM.s visit villagers began volunteering information on the
Huk’s (Hukbong Magpapalaya sa Bayan, which replaced the anti-Japanese
HUKBALAHAP of World War II) activities. After his socio-economic activities had
been implemented, Huk leader Luis Taruc surrendered saying, I no longer have
any reason to continue fighting. Most of what I have been fighting for is now being
done…

-Sen. Manuel Manahan as quoted by Leonor Orosa Goquinco .Ramon
Magsaysay: The Guy and President,. The Philippine Star, August 26, 1990.

-Where historically government has been regarded as a remote,
exploitative and repressive institution identified with colonial power under the
Spanish rule, or with a grudgingly attentive elite, RM.s success in bringing the
government closer to the people cannot be overestimated.

-Dr. Jose Abueva, former UP President, as quoted by Guillermo S. Santos,
Magsaysay – his place in History and Living Memorials, Manila Daily Bulletin,
August 29, 1989.

.He was a bright glorious meteor across Philippine skies, dispelling gloom,
bringing faith, hope and charity into his countrymen’s hearts..

Sen. Cipriano Primicias, as quoted by Leonor Orosa Goquinco in “Ramon
Magsaysay: The Guy and President,” The Philippine Star, August 26, 1990.

RM has been faulted in many ways. But two criticisms have pursued
him in his lifetime and after. RM his critics say, has been impulsive and impatient
which resulted in some embarrassing situations. The more serious one is that he
is a puppet of the US; worked closely with the Americans. The former is a minor
one; the latter is a serious matter. But I tend to be partial to RM on the latter,
unlike many of Lenin’s useful fools and xenophobic nationalists. who have not
forgiven him for his collaboration with the Americans. RM is a native of Zambales,
where a major US naval facility, the biggest of any outside of the continental US-
existed in his lifetime and, in all probability, led him to take the side of freedom
and democracy as a guerrilla during the dark side of World War II. Besides in my
view as a concerned nationalist, the question of the US military and naval bases
will be removed and on what terms- are settled in our, repeat, our, interests; but
these will have to consider and take into account the imperatives and geopolitics,
global military strategy and imponderables of history. (The US military and naval
bases have been removed after 1992 following the disapproval of the US Bases
Agreement by the Philippine Senate in 1991- ed)

-Guillermo S. Santos, Magsaysay- His Place in History and Living Memorials,
Manila Bulletin, August 30, 1989.

STORIES ABOUT MAGSAYSAY
by Dr. Augusto V. de Viana

During the Second World War, RM was a guerilla leader in Zambales and was sought after by the Japanese. One of the stories about him involved a close brush with capture by the enemy and possible torture and death. One day Magsaysay was driving a carabao cart along an isolated road when a truck laden with Japanese soldiers stopped near him. Magsaysay pulled down the brim of his hat to hide his face and tried to act inconspicuously. When the truck stopped right beside the cart, Magsaysay gave the carabao a sharp crack from his whip, causing the started animal to jolt and ran faster. Magsaysay cried out, .Carabao afraid of truck#. Carabao afraid of truck#. The Japanese soldiers aboard the truck just laughed and the truck moved on its way. Magsaysay breathed a sigh of relief for he had six ri”es hidden in the cart to be given to the guerrillas.

After the war many former guerrillas who belonged to Zambales Military District were happy with Magsaysay because he was instrumental in working for the release of their backpay. To show their appreciation someone started to collect contributions so they could buy a car for Magsaysay. Magsaysay suddenly appeared and confronted the person making the collections. He said .Is it true that you are collecting money to buy me a car for what I did for the guerrillas?. The man replied in the af!rmative. .Return the money back,. Magsaysay sternly ordered .The money earned by my fellow comrades rightfully belongs to them and I did not work for your back pay just to have a new car.

Before RM ran for the presidency, he was an obscure congressman representing the lone district of Zambales. He did not remain obscure for long
as stories about him as a congressman and later as defense secretary started sprouting like mushrooms. One story is about his trip to the United States as a member of Congress when he and a group of other congressmen were able to get bene!ts for Filipino war veterans from the American Congress. Magsaysay said: .I talked to them (the American congressmen) in English, larded it with a little Tagalog and mixed some Ilocano phrases. The result: a bill in the US Congress granting more bene!ts for our veterans.. One of the results of RM.s efforts was the Rogers Bill which authorized the building of the Veterans Memorial Hospital, now the Veterans Memorial Medical Center in Quezon City.

The famous question .Can we defend this dealing in Plaza Miranda?. came from one of the major speeches of Magsaysay during the campaign for the presidency. RM said: .Whenever I have any doubt about (any) important matter affecting the nation that is brought to my attention, I ask the question: Can we defend this deal in Plaza Miranda?. it showed RM.s concern about the accountability of ones. of!cial acts before the people who should be served with the highest integrity.

No other President before or after him comes close to the peak of popularity. The Guy. enjoyed among the people- because he was truly loved and idolized for his simple but sincere ways and genuine concern for the common man.

Whatever faults or shortcoming may have been ascribed to him as a mere mechanic., he simply compensated with common sense and singleness of purpose that endeared him to the multitude even more zealously.

I recall the time in October 1955 when Magsaysay, traveling with only his aide and driver, barnstormed through Central Luzon to endorse his anchormen in key provinces as his gubernatorial candidates.

In that surprise visit- carried out unannounced within a span of 24 hours- he pitched for the candidacies of Alex (Alejo) Santos in Bulacan, Amado Aleta in Nueva Ecija and myself in Pangasinan where he wound up his stortie at dawn.

His endorsement was enough to make us all win with overwhelming margins over opponents who were both well-quali!ed and well-entrenched and
it may be said that, without Magsaysay, the electoral contest would have been fought to the last man.

The election results showed beyond reasonable doubt Magsaysays credibility and forcefulness as a leader, and without patronage or cheating,
generate unquali!ed support for anyone and anything he sponsored.

Upon winning the gubernatorial race in Pangasinan, I was to take my oath of office before the President, but instead of me going to Malacañang, he came to Pangasinan to induct me.

He brought with him his entire Cabinet, to meet out-of-town for the !rst time, at Mangabul in Bayambang town where people stampeded to get near him, tearing down the makeshift canopies of coconut leaves on bamboo posts that served as the venue.

Thousands turned out to mob the President in a pandemonium of sorts- no hakot as others would have done to ensure a big crowd of reluctant participants as in the case of the much-heralded EDSA celebrations.

At Mangabul, Magsaysay was approached freely by the rural folk to seek assistance, redress grievances and a whole gamut of requests which he granted then and there, including hospitalization for the sick, veterans. backpay claims and what have you.

He wrote instructions to government of!cials on scratch paper and upon the back of the man next to him or on the hood of a parked vehicle. No formalities were observed as long as he acted on a request with dispatch.

At the same time, Magsaysay put an end to a land dispute involving the tenant farmers of a big landowner by af!rming the farmers. claim in the periphery of Mangabul springs.

In short Magsaysay had no need for elaborate preparations, protocol, motorcades, bodyguards and fanfare to announce or decorate his presidency
because he was at home with the people.

One week before he met his tragic death at Mt. Manunggal, President Magsaysay was the guest of honor of the Pangasinan Medical Society. The venue
was the VICAR Building in Dagupan City. The hall was over”owing at the seams. The President was warned against using the rickety elevator but the President was unfazed, .Let.s leave it to God.. In the same occasion the President answered questions asked by some people in the audience among which were why he had not renovated Malacañang and why he had not bought a new car. Magsaysay simply answered, .How can I when I see the people suffering. They have no food, no medicine, no drinking water, no irrigation for their farms. How can the President allow these luxuries when the people who voted him to office are living in that deprivation?

At that time there were also very few doctors in the barrios because they could not be induced to serve in the countryside because of low pay.

Here Magsaysay created his priorities. He made drinking water available through the construction of artesian wells in the barrios, irrigation for the farmers and credit for farm production. He created the of!ce of Presidential Assistant on Community Development which trained young and energetic people to serve the countryside with missionary zeal. These volunteers served so well that one couldn’t think that the program preceded the American Peace Corps program began by President John F. Kennedy by a decade.

From: Conrado Estrella, Remembering RM, Manila Bulletin, March 17, 1989.

In 1955 the First Lady Luz Banzon Magsaysay was in the United States to treat a puzzling malady which turned out to be an allergy, the President.s son, Ramon Jr., was taken sick with chickenpox and had to stay in bed for several days. RM visited him in his room in the Palace quite often. They talked about the First Lady whom they both missed very much. Father and son talked about cars. The First Lady promised to bring one with her when she returns from the hospital in the United States. RM and his son pored over car catalogues and discussed the features of each model.

Ramon Jr. made up his mind that he wanted a Ford Thunderbird. But his father the President said, .Son, don.t ask your mother to buy you a Thunderbird. It’s an excellent car and I understand why you want to have one. But you are the son of a President- and you can.t have one..

But I don.t understand, Papa, why?. Asked RM Jr.

It is a very expensive car and very unusual. It would be very conspicuous if you should own one. People are going to say that the President’s son is being a pasikat. (show-off). They will say that the President has started to allow his family to indulge in luxury and high living#.

Papa,. asked his son,. why do you care so much about what people say?.

Because it was the people who made me President.

When RM Jr. graduated from high school in 1956 his father ordered a Ford sedan for him as a graduation gift. The !nance of!cer told him that the President could save on the duties and taxes by declaring the automobile as a government import. RM Jr. remembers that his father got mad and stated in strong tones: This is my personal gift to my son, and you must charge me the full duties and taxes for the car. We cannot have two sets of laws, one for the in”uential and one for the ordinary citizens.. RM paid for the full duties and taxes for the car.

RM was always ready with his sense of humor. During a Gridiron Night sponsored by the members of the press where they roasted the President. RM
was lampooned for building so many artesian wells but there was no water in them. The artesian wells were built to provide safe drinking water for the people. He told the crowd .I have promised the wells, but not the water.. There was water all right in his wells.

One day one of the rural folk who bene!ted from his no-nonsense quick actions approached him and said .Mr. President, you are a Good Samaritan.. The Guy as everybody knew him, scratched his head, .No, I am not from Samar. I am from Zambales..

Magsaysay was never averse to manual work. His son, Ramon Jr., watched him in awe as he showed him how to temper and work by hand the cast-
iron wheel of a cart. With the blower keeping the charcoal hot and making the iron malleable. Magsaysay worked on the metal with a ball pen hammer and came up with a finished wheel.

Being an expert mechanic, RM quite naturally, tried to instill in his son, RM Jr., a liking for !xing automobiles. RM Jr. admits he and his father had a
common love for cars, but not the talent for machines.. As a boy RM Jr. would give an order to him .give me the screwdriver.- just like a surgeon to the attending nurse at an operation but the boy would get mixed up and handed his father the wrong tool. Finally RM shook his head and exclaimed Boy, you’ll never be a good mechanic#.

Aside from their home in Zambales, the Magsaysays had a house at 2483 Singalong, Manila. it was a chalet which Magsaysay took no small pride in telling other people that he did the masonry and carpentry. It was in this house RM and Mrs. Magsaysay brought up their children.

People associated with the .Guy., as Magsaysay was popularly called, remember his sense of humor which endeared him with the masses. When he
built his famous artesian wells to provide safe drinking water to the people, he was ridiculed by critics that the wells, more often than not, did not yield water. To which the Guy. replied, .Yes, I promised the wells, but not the water.. The wells actually did soon provide water for the ordinary folk.

Everyone is familiar with the law of supply and demand attributed to Magsaysay. There is a continuation to this story:

Magsaysay was still intent on abolishing the law of supply and demand which was attributed to be the cause of the increase of the prices of goods and services. He had his Press Secretary J.V. Cruz what the .law. was all about. Known for his fast action, Magsaysay called up Senate President Eulogio Amang Rodriguez.

Said RM: “Kaya pala tumataas ang mga presyo ng bilihin ay dahil sa isang batas na tinawag na law of supply and demand.”

Amang: .Ano ngayon ang ibig ninyong mangyari, Senyor Presidente?”

RM: “Kailangan ma-abolish ang batas na ito.”

Amang: “Dahan dahan, Senyor Presidente. Bago natin ipasa ang bagong batas na bubura sa law of supply and demand, kailangan mag-caucus muna tayo.”

Some historical accounts say that this was just a genuine banter between Magsaysay and Amang not a serious but ignorant discussion of the plan to abolish the law of supply and demand.

RM disliked the stiff formalities of diplomatic parties and the highly polished banter of courtiers. When he was still new as President, the ambassador from Iraq was presenting his credentials. After the stiff introduction ceremony laid for him by the protocol officer, the President placed a friendly hand on the ambassador’s arm and asked .How.s the king?. From what little the President knew about Iraq told to him a few minutes before the only thing he knew was that Iraq was a monarchy. He wanted to have a conversation to put his caller at ease.

Fine, Your Excellency,. replied the foreign diplomat who was somewhat surprised by RM.s informality.

Tell him to come and visit me sometime..

The Filipino members of the foreign of!ce were left open-mouthed.

RM.s sense of humor saved him from becoming a dictator or a stuffed shirt. While going over a speech he would give at the University of the East where he would receive an honorary doctorate, he came upon unfamiliar words in the discourse prepared by his ghostwriter. It made references to the British historian Arnold Toynbee and the French philosopher Alexis de Toqueville. He had difficulty in pronouncing .de Toqueville. and his ghostwriter. I think it should be pronounced as de Tokua-bil. said his writer, fumbling the pronunciation.

Tockua sounds funny,. said RM. It was the Tagalog word for soybean curd which was commonly used for native dishes. .I guess I will pronounce it de
Tokyo-bil..

After the speech had been delivered, a newspaper columnist criticized the presidential assistants the following morning for making the President say
unfamiliar words like Toynbee and de Toqueville. The President summoned the ghostwriter and asked him .Have you read the column about me and Toynbee and de Toqueville?.

The speechwriter must have been stunned but RM broke the ice saying: Well, that.s what I get for trying to act like a doctor#. He laughed.

Whenever the pressure of of!cial life was wearing him down President Magsaysay would leave the Palace to some place outside the city where there
were no telephones and visitors could not reach him. Often he traveled alone or accompanied by one or two bodyguards. His favorite hideout is the modest frame house in Barrio Baring in Castillejos where he grew up. Magsaysay would take off all his clothes except his cotton drawers and undershirt and lie down on an old rickety bed in his small room. There he would spend hours resting, sleeping and contemplating the many problems he faced. There, beyond the pomp of the palace and arti!ciality of of!cial life, he could really re”ect and think matters over.

RM refused to repaint or remodel the house. His relatives and friends begged him to introduce a few minor improvements like installing electric lights or repairing the rickety steps. This particular room and the house was Magsaysay’s link with his past and his humble beginnings. He could think freely unhampered by other people and take stock on how far in the road of life he had traveled.

Magsaysay was always gallant in dealing with the fairer sex. He had old-fashioned ideas on how women should be treated and he combined the best
traits of a Spanish gentleman and a Malay datu in showing respect to the women especially the beautiful ones. This trait paid off beautifully during the presidential campaign in 1953 when he won over to his side Remedios Fortich, an influential political figure in Bukidnon in Mindanao. While passing in front of her house, she eventually threw him a rose. RM picked it up and in the gesture of a Spanish grandee, kissed it. He then went up her house to pay his respects. From that time one Mrs. Fortich became one of RM.s staunch allies and RM won handily in the province.

After he had won the presidency, President Magsaysay went to Davao. The crowd that gathered to greet him was so thick that it was impossible to greet him at the airport. The Davao Lions Club positioned themselves along the road to the city. When RM saw the group he stopped the motorcade and got off his automobile and started embracing every member of the club.

On that visit he laid the cornerstone of the Davao Ramitex plant. The organizers of the event prepared a merienda for the President. RM noticed that
a big crowd had gathered. He asked what food was being served to the people. Soft drinks and sandwiches,. his aide replied. RM stood up abruptly and left the presidential table and began distributing the sandwiches to the crowd himself.

In one of the sorties in the provinces the presidential party was driving its way from Paniqui, Tarlac to Manila. President Magsaysay got thirsty and told the driver to stop by a row of stores along the highway in the town of Gerona. RM got down from is car and went to nearest store and ordered eight bottles of 7-Up. The woman tending the store recognized him and shouted President Magsaysay.

Soon people surrounded the store. The President asked how much was the price of rice at the place and told them to report to him if the price was more than a peso per ganta.

After talking to the people RM handed over two pesos to the woman tending the store as payment for the soft drinks. She refused to take the money but RM insisted and said .This is your business and I do not want you to lose because of me. Just take 80 centavos and give me the P1.20 change.. That surprised the people present. RM said it in the most natural way as any common folk would have said it. It endeared him to them. RM was one of them.

One of the important traits which endeared him to the people was that Magsaysay took time to reply personally to letters written to him by the people even small children. One of those letters asked for a photo of him. The child later wrote back thanking for the picture which showed him laughing. As President he was always on the move. It was his habit to leave the Palace at ungodly hours and a Palace reporter had to sleep in Malacañang so he would be always present to cover him.

On August 31, 1954 his !rst birthday as President, Magsaysay spent the whole day in the countryside in Central Luzon conversing with people inspite of astorm that was currently raging that day.

In Pampanga RM saw an artesian well that was being installed with a homemade machine. Impressed by the contraption he looked for its inventor and gave him a job at the Metropolitan Water District. He said to the man .You are a lot better than our MWD engineers.. He then visited a military hospital where he promoted wounded soldiers in the anti-Huk campaign.

RM.s critics berated him for spending too much time in the barrios. He replied to them saying .I have to visit the people. When I was campaigning for the presidency, I promised to do many things. I thought that it was going to be easy to fulfill the promises. I found out otherwise. When one becomes President, one realizes certain dif!culties and limitations. I have to visit the common people, live with them, shake their hands, pat their backs, eat with them. That way I can help ease their hunger and their hardships..

During his presidency, Magsaysay never left the country saying that his work was with the people. The people saw in Magsaysay their savior who would deliver the country and people from poverty, communism and corruption. It was his concern for the poor which RM was never wanting. Saying those who have less in life should have more in law,. this of course was not possible because laws have to be applied equally both to the rich and poor. He embarked on programs giving land to the landless and shelter for the homeless.

In facing his critics, RM harbored no ill feelings toward them. One of his most bitter critics was Congressman Mario Bengzon who had the habit of hitting the President on the floor of Congress. When Magsaysay met Benzon face to face during a social function, the President embraced him and told him that he is doing a great job in Congress. RM.s gesture so disarmed the Congressman that he never spoke against the President again.

As the highest official of the land, Magsaysay was dedicated to the reform of the government and its machinery. Otherwise he feared that the people would be driven to the arms of the communists who were promising heaven on earth. Even when he was Secretary of Defense he dismissed outright military personnel who were remiss in their duties. In one of his midnight inspection trips he personally surprised a sleepy sergeant guarding an ammunition dump in Central Luzon and outrightly dismissed the commanding of!cer. As President he !red people whom he perceived as corrupt. He never hesitated to punish the guilty public official, no matter if he was a relative or a friend. He was also tough on his relatives and supporters did not want the people to think that their closeness to him would give them favors.

Magsaysay canceled a contract entered into by his uncle, Ambrosio Magsaysay, to supply coal to the Cebu Portland Co. although his predecessor had
approved the documents. RM withdrew approval of a trip to Europe by his brotherin- law, Aurelio Bengzon, and instructed his cabinet secretaries not to permit any of his relatives to go abroad on official missions. RM dismissed his Executive Secretary, Fred Ruiz Castro, for approving the hiring of a nephew-in-law, Feliciano de la Gala, in Washington, D.C. as a casual employee, even Mrs. Magsaysay requested for it. He also dismissed Gregorio Lecaros of the Central Bank for soliciting donations to the Christmas festival held annually at Malacañang.

Magsaysay forbade his younger brother Gene to run as a political candidate and barred the entry of 2,000 Chinese immigrants because three senators lobbied for it. He withdrew approval by Col. Osmundo Mondoñedo for the exchange of first-class Philippine rice for an imported foreign brand. He told his friend Joseph Arcache that he could not approve the refloating of a Japanese submarine for scrap iron because the businessman had offered half of his pro!ts in the deal.

On March 15, two days before his tragic death one of RM.s cousins, newsman Vicente del Fierro, came to the President.s bedroom and asked him to donate a band for the district !esta of Project 4 (Quezon City). The President asked if it was necessary to donate a band. His cousin replied that Sen. Claro M. Recto who was eyeing the presidency that year had already donated one. The President laughed saying .Never mind. If the election was to be decided by a band, let Recto win. Del Fierro left the bedroom without getting anything.

When RM.s family left Malacañang a week after his death, all that was left of his paycheck was P650. When asked why so little was left of RM.s pay,
Mrs. Magsaysay explained that this was the average (sometimes P1,000) that she received from the President.s monthly salary because all their family expenses were deducted from it from the very !rst day he assumed the presidency.

In fact she said, .he even instructed the Palace kitchen to deduct from his salary the cost of food consumed when our children brought their classmates in for lunch or merienda.

The Magsaysay administration was so spotlessly transparent that the gaffes attributed to him and circulated apparently to “aunt his ill mastery of English must have been launched by the spurned lobbyists who saw no other way to get back at him than to poke fun at his shortcoming.

Sources

De Jesus, Ramon. .Magsaysay: An Exemplary Citizen.. Sunday Express. March
14, 2000.

Estrella, Conrado, F. .Remembering Magsaysay.. Manila Bulletin. March 17,
1989.

Silverio, Julio, F. Pinoy Anecdotes. Las Piñas: M & L Licudine Enterprises,
2000.

Sison, Jess. .Perspective: Remembering Ramon Magsaysay.. Malaya. August
30, 1982.

Zabala, Noynoy. Magsaysay: .The Legend Lives On.. Manila Times. August 31,
1988.

RAMON MAGSAYSAY AS A FAMILY MAN
by Chris Antonette P. Pugay

Every Filipino considers his family as one of the most, if not the most,
valued possession in his life. Filipino families are generally closely-knitted and
in most cases households accommodate extended family members. Even those
who belonged to the powerful, rich and in”uential clans could not deny affection
and devotion to their family members. Political leaders and statesmen were not an
exemption.

In 17 March 1965, Nicanor Patricio.s interview of former First Lady Luz
Banzon-Magsaysay, wife of former President Ramon Magsaysay, was published
in the Daily Magazine, barely eight years after President Magsaysay.s untimely
demise. It was through the said article that Mrs. Magsaysay shared to the Filipino
people glimpses on how her beloved .Monching. was like as a husband and father
to their three children. The details of the said interview would be highlighted in the
succeeding portions of this piece of writing.

According to her recollection, she and .Monching. met in Manila in 1931
when she was 16 and he was already 24. She was studying at the Instituto
de Mujeres during the time while he was already working at the Yangco Trans
Company. Their families were friends with each other, thus, .Monching. did not
have a hard time !nding a way to be near her. Driving his car, he took the young
Luz and her sister Consuelo to their school but would take a longer route to have
lengthy time to stare at his beautiful passenger seated at the back seat. Just like
a usual scene in a romantic !lm, their eyes would meet and both would feel mixed
emotions.

.Monching. was an avid and persistent suitor. He would always visit
Luz and showered her with gifts. Initially, Luz was having second thoughts on
accepting him for she was worried regarding their age gap. But just like a valiant
knight, .Monching. was able to show her his distinct qualities that captivated her
heart. After a two and a half years of courtship, Luz vowed to give her heart
to Monching. On 10 June 1933, wedding bells tolled at the Lourdes Church in
Intramuros, signifying the couple.s exchange of vows.

As a husband, .Monching. was mature, gentle and responsible. It was not
surprising that he was also able to portray the role of a doting father to his three
children. Mrs. Magsaysay recounted how her husband longed for a son, though
the coming of Teresita and Mila.their two daughters were tenderly welcomed by
him. His long wait ended with the birth of his son Ramon whom they fondly called
Junior.

Mrs. Magsaysay disclosed that her husband was a .hands-on. father. He
would play with his children, attend to their needs and, if possible, would not allow
his children to do household chores particularly Teresita who had been very sickly.
If his schedule would permit him, .Monching. would take his wife and children to

Luneta and then bring them to a downtown restaurant to eat Chinese food. Those
were the simple joys of the Magsaysay family not known by all.

Just like any other husbands, Mrs. Magsaysay admitted that her .Monching.
was very particular on how she dresses, especially in important events and
occasions. He would tell her frankly if her hairdo does not actually look good or if
a dress does not !t her the way he likes. She also shared that she and the former
president also had their own share of marital problems and quarrels but passed
all of them with “ying colors resulting to greater fondness and love for each other.
She elaborated that the two of them were very close and he would tell her all his
problems and ask for her counsels.

In the same interview, Mr. Patricio tried to ask the former !rst lady regarding
the last days that she spent with her husband prior to his ill-fated “ight to Cebu
where he died in a plane crash. Tears swelled out and the pain of losing one.s
loved surrounded the air. As a prudent journalist, Mr. Patricio did not insist and
decided to divert the topic and instead asked questions concerning her grandchild
who was with her all along the interview.

Monching. or President Ramon Magsaysay was considered one of the
best, if not the best, leaders the Philippines ever had. He touched the lives of
millions of Filipinos through his sincerity, dedication and love for the poor people.
He imposed on himself a just and upright public and private life that he later passed
on to his siblings, children and grandchildren. Despite the fact that he was a public
property, he made an effort to !nd quality time for his beloved family and offer them
the best but not to the expense of his dearly loved Filipino people.

RAMON F. MAGSAYSAY: FROM ANTI-COMMUNIST FIGHTER TO WARRIOR AGAINST POVERTY
by Ma. Cielito G. Reyno

Magsaysay.s role as the country.s chief architect of the !ght against the
Huk-led communist insurgency that was ravaging the country at the time was the
logical consequence of his being a guerilla leader in Zambales during World War

II.
Magsaysay actively fought against the Japanese throughout the occupation
and during the period prior to the country.s liberation, he led the Zambales guerrillas
in securing the San Marcelino Airstrip for the Filipino and American liberation
forces. Because of his prominent role as resistance leader, he was named Military
Governor of Zambales in 1945. This, in turn, led to his immediate ascent to political
eminence in the province, resulting in his 1949 election as Zambales. representative
in the House of Representatives. His concern for the modernization of the Armed
forces of the Philippines (complementing his other major advocacy for World War
II veterans) led to his assumption to the chairmanship of the House Committee on
National Defense, subsequently paving the way for his appointment as Defense
Secretary under President Elpidio Quirino.

As Defense Secretary, he became the foremost architect and executor
of the government.s anti-communist insurgency program when he assumed the
of!ce of Defense secretary in 1949, a program that he continued and expanded
when he became himself the nation.s Chief Executive. His close association with
several of!cers of the US Central Intelligence Agency, no doubt, contributed to the
success and accomplishments of the anti-communist program that Magsaysay
directed with ef!ciency. With their long experience as intelligence agents during
World War II and the post-war period, the CIA of!cers provided Magsaysay the
required relevant advice needed in mapping out and implementing the over-all
anti-insurgency strategy and its concomitant tactics and projects.

It was under his tenure in the Defense department that psychological
warfare operations were instituted with the help of American experts who trained
their Filipino counterparts in the new methods and operations. This was part of a
wide-scale propaganda program that included organizing and education among
the youth and student population from elementary to college on the evils of
communism.

These steps were bolstered by widespread dissemination of anti-communist
literature especially in the countryside. Surrender and return to the fold of law
was encouraged by way of distribution of safe conduct passes, while press and
radio were employed in publicizing the government.s development projects and
options available to the grassroots including surrendered dissidents. The help and
cooperation of the whole community- including the various church denominations
and the Chinoys- was likewise tapped to make the campaign a real success.

One of the !rst steps that Magsaysay as Defense Secretary carried out
against the communist insurgents was the strengthening of the Military.s anti-
insurgent combat units. To improve the troops. morale and their !ghting capability
as well, he gave incentives to soldiers who had killed insurgents such as promotions
and commendations. Moreover, these measures were likewise complimented by
cash rewards for any kind of intelligence information regarding Huks and for their
capture.

Another step taken by Magsaysay in line with the anti-insurgent campaign
was to convince the President to suspend the writ of habeas corpus, thus giving
the government enough time and legal leeway to prepare its prosecution and !le
appropriate charges against them.

Perhaps one of the best programs conceptualized and established by
Magsaysay was the Economic Development Corps (EDCOR), the government.s
response to the basic social problem then plaguing Philippine society: peasant
landlessness and indebtedness. The mechanism provided for the settlement of
tenants and farm workers, including former insurgents, in public lands. Furthermore,
Magsaysay coupled this crucial action with the offer of free legal assistance to
tenants and poor farmers who had legitimate complaints against their landlords.

Knowing that the eradication of poverty and the development of the
countryside was the answer to the insurgency problem, it was no wonder then
that when Magsaysay became President, he continued his aforementioned
initiatives through his administration.s priority and key program of strengthening
the economic and social conditions of the poor. To carry this out he focused on
the barrio, rallying all government and non-government organizations dealing with
rural communities or working for agrarian reforms (such as the Philippine Rural
Reconstruction Movement [PRRM] and the Philippine Rural Improvement Society
[PRUCIS]) to join hands in helping his administration perform this gargantuan task.
He instructed the Department of Agriculture and Natural Resources, as well as
the Social Welfare Department, to coordinate with the various GO.s and NGOs
and created or reactivated several bodies to map out and implement development
plans, such as the Community Development Planning Council (CDPC) and the
Agricultural Credit and Cooperative Financing Administration, the latter releasing
millions in loans and organizing farmers. cooperatives.

Magsaysay knew, however, that without a legal framework to guide all of
his administration.s rural development initiatives, his vision and goal of uplifting the
poor, hence ending the insurgency, would come to naught. He therefore coupled
his administrative labors with legal advocacies aimed at agrarian reforms. His
efforts !nally paid off with Congress. passage of amendments improving the Rural
Bank Act of 1952; the Agricultural Tenancy Act of 1954 which he implemented
through the Agricultural Tenancy Commission that he created; the law creating the
Court of Agrarian Relations, and the passage of the Land Reform Act of 1955.

On a personal level, he supervised the implementation of one his pet
projects- the Katubusan or Redemption project, which provided for the peaceful
and genuine resettlement of former communist rebels in public land in San Luis,
Pampanga.

Though Magsaysay.s service to the people was cut short by his untimely
death, to his eternal credit, his brief record over”ows with achievements and
even plans that he meant to carry out had he been allowed another four years as
President. It was a given thing that he would have been reelected by the Filipino
people and given another chance to further improve the lot of the Filipino masses.
Nevertheless, his brief but shining presidency will always be enough for his people
to remember with gratitude how he aspired and succeeded- in no small measure-
to give his people faith and hope for a better life.

FILIPINO FIRST – CLARO M. RECTO, CHAMPION OF FILIPINO NATIONALISM
by Quennie Ann J. Palafox

“So long as our economic policies remain dependent primarily on foreign “aid” and investments, and our policy-makers remain habitual yes-men of foreign advisors, this “aid,” investment and advice, will be directed toward the retention of the economic status quo.”
– Claro M. Recto (1890-1960)

      This message was delivered by Recto on the eve of the election of 1957 when he ran as the presidential candidate of the Lapiang Makabansa (Nationalist-Citizens Party).

        His writings and speeches spoke of Recto as a nationalist thinker and leader. This very speech inflicted so much anger among the Americans and his fellow Filipinos to whom he coined the term “yes-men” for allowing foreign interference in our political and economic affairs. Recto simply aimed for the Filipinos and their leaders to make sure that Philippines’ national interests were not sacrificed and give way to the American dream of how the world should be run. The Americans, consequently, accused him of being anti-Americans and worst, an atheist.

         Claro M. Recto was born in Tiaong, Quezon province on February 8, 1890 to Don Claro Recto, Sr. of Rosario, Batangas and Doña Micaela Mayo of Lipa. In 1905, he went to Manila to study at the Ateneo de Manila University where he obtained the most outstanding scholastic grades. He graduated in 1909 with a Bachelor of Arts, maxima cum laude.

         In 1913, he graduated law from the University of Santo Tomas and took the bar examinations the same year. He obtained his Masters of Laws also in UST. He entered the government service in 1913, when he was appointed secretary to Vincente Ilustre of the Philippine Commission. He ran as representative of the third district of Batangas under the party Democrata. He became minority floor leader and was reelected in 1922 and 1925.

      Recto was selected president to draft the Philippine Constitution and personally presented the Commonwealth Constitution to President Roosevelt for his approval and signature.  He also served the country as Associate Justice of the Supreme Court (1935-1936). In 1941 he ran for the Senate and garnered the highest number of votes among the 24 elected senators. He was appointed Commissioner of Education, Health and Public Welfare (1942-43) and later, Minister of State for Foreign Affairs (1943-44) in the Laurel War Cabinet. He was charged with treason for collaboration with the Japanese. He pleaded not guilty and proved that he had connections with the underground movement. In the course of the preparation of his defense, he published two books, Three Years of Enemy Occupation and The Law of Belligerent Occupation. Claro M. Recto did not take advantage of the amnesty issued by Pres. Manuel Roxas to collaborators and instead worked for and got an acquittal from the People’ Court.  He was elected senator and in 1955, ran as Liberal Party “guest candidate” for senator and won the sixth slot. He bid for presidency in 1957 but lost to Ramon Magsaysay.

         On August 24, 1960, he was appointed Cultural Envoy with the rank of an Ambassador Extraordinary and Minister Plenipotentiary on a cultural mission to Europe and Latin America. But while on this mission he suffered a fatal heart attack in Rome, Italy on October 2, 1960. He died at San Camillo de Lellis Hospital, his wife by his side to whom he uttered his last words: “It is terrible to die in a foreign country”. Paradoxically, Recto died in a foreign land and he’s great love for his motherland remained in his heart up to his last breath.

      The Philippines will never have a man as noble as Claro M. Recto again who has dignity and sensitivity for his fellowmen. His legacy and contributions to the country will remain to date as long as the country suffers the stiff of imperialism and our government being run by dishonest officials who perpetuate the deprivation of public services from the Filipino people.

         As Renato Constantino puts it- “ Recto’s relevance to the present lies not so much in the continuing validity of his nationalist premises as in his contribution to the forward march of history..his courageous attempt  to break away from the colonial condition was itself a great single effort which contributed to today’s relative enlightenment”

THE CONTROVERSIAL PHILIPPINE NATIONAL FLAG
by Chris Antonette Piedad-Pugay

       Before 1896, the Filipinos had no common flag.  The use of flags became common in the Philippines during the height of the revolution.  Different flags were created and designed by various Katipunan generals signifying the unit or battalion where they belong.  However, these flags cannot be classified as a “national” flag.

     Gen. Emilio Aguinaldo aspired to establish a new nation to be signified by a flag and an anthem during the second phase of the Philippine Revolution.  With this, he himself made the sketch of the flag that he submitted to Doña Marcela Agoncillo who was then living at 535 Morrison Hill Road in Hong Kong.  In sewing the flag, Mrs. Agoncillo was assisted by her daughter Lorenza and by Delfina Herbosa Natividad.  After five days of hard work, the flag was delivered to Aguinaldo who went back to the Philippines on 17 May 1898 through S.S. McCulloch.  The flag as described by the maker herself was “made from fine silk with a white triangle at the left containing a sunburst with eight rays at the center, a five-pointed star at each angle of the triangle, an upper stripe of dark blue and a lower stripe of red.  The white triangle stood for the Filipinos’ hope for equality; the blue color stood for peace, truth and justice; and the red stood for patriotism and valor.  The sunburst of eight rays represented the first eight provinces to take up arms against Spain, and the three stars symbolized Luzon, Visayas and Mindanao.”

Philippine Flag Banned!

     Just like our country and its constitution, the Philippine flag also experienced different controversies.  When the Americans took over the Philippines, mutual distrust among the Filipinos and Americans sparked.  This prompted the Philippine Commission to enact the Flag Law of 1907 that forbade the Filipinos to use or display the Philippine flag anywhere, even inside Filipino homes.  The Filipinos responded with bitter protests as they saw the Flag Law as a violation of the fundamental principle of free expression.

       Several efforts were done by Filipino legislators to repeal the law, but to no avail.  In 1919, Senator Rafael Palma sponsored the Senate Bill No. 1, a bill repealing the Flag Law of 1907 following Gov. Gen. Francis Harrison’s recommendation that the law should be repealed since the distrust between the Filipinos and the Americans no longer exists.  On 24 October 1919, Act No. 2871 was approved and signed by Gen. Harrison; thus, the Flag Law of 1907 was repealed.

Inclusion of a 9th Ray or Crescent in the Flag

      In 1970’s, appeals for the inclusion of an additional ray or a crescent in the Philippine flag created another hullabaloo.  House bill No. 7725 sponsored by Rep. Sultan Omar Dianalan of the 1st District of Lanao del Sur petitioned for the addition of 9th ray in the rays of the sun in the Philippine flag to symbolize the Moslems and the cultural minorities who fought the Spaniards and waged war against them.  Other groups proposed that a crescent be placed beside the sun as a form of tribute to the pre-colonial past.  However, historians, headed by Teodoro Agoncillo singled out that when Aguinaldo himself designed the flag, he had in his mind the eight provinces which rise in arms against Spain during the Philippine Revolution namely: Manila, Cavite, Bulacan, Pampanga, Nueva Ecija, Tarlac, Laguna and Batangas.  He also pointed out that one of the three stars in the flag already represents the Moslem and the Moslem lands.

How Blue is Blue?

        The repeal of the Flag Law of 1907 gave reason for the Filipinos to be jubilant, however, it created a new controversy concerning the true color of the flag’s blue field.  The issue was raised as early as mid 1970’s until mid 1980’s. Through studies it appeared that the conflict in the shades of blue might have resulted from the alleged hasty preparations of the flag that was used for the Flag Day of March 26, 1920 following the repeal of the Flag Law.  The quartermaster was said to have run out of light blue cloth and used dark blue instead similar to the one used for the American flag.

      Specification of the blue color of the original flag through a documented interview of Emilio Aguinaldo by the historian Teodoro Agoncillo was noted before the former’s death.  In the interview, Aguinaldo specified that the blue color of the flag is “bughaw” neither azul oscuro nor azul marino.  Meanwhile, Juan Luna’s painting of the flag on May 21, 1899 in “Monograph” illustrated the flag in China blue, not navy blue, whereas Mariano Ponce in his letter to Ferdinand Blumentritt described the blue color of the flag “as blue as the sky” symbolizing hope.  Ponce’s description was complemented by Salvador Vivencio del Rosario’s in his article “La Bandera de la Patria” published on October 1899 where he stated that the flag’s color was “color celeste” (color of the sky).  In 1943, however, The Philippine Flag wore a bright royal blue during the inauguration of the Japanese sponsored Republic.

        Nonetheless, numerous personalities maintained that the color of the flag is navy blue or dark blue.  The daughter of the flag-maker also named Marcela Agoncillo believed that it was not sky blue or light blue but dark blue.  She also argued that, if there was error in the color of the flag, why did Aguinaldo never question it during his lifetime? Her description was supported by Teodoro Kalaw’s description of the flag.  Meanwhile, Arturo Tolentino raised that the flag that was used and adopted by the 1935 and the 1973 Constitution, which was colored dark blue should be maintained because it was the one which was “consecrated and honored by the people” and the change of its color or shade is a violation of law.

        On 25 February 1985, President Ferdinand Marcos issued Executive Order No. 1010 which changed dark blue to a lighter shade, lighter than navy blue but darker than sky blue or azure. As of today, Cable No. 80173 is the basis of the true shade of blue in the Philippine flag.

Where is the Original Flag?

In his letter to Captain Baja dated 11 June 1925, Aguinaldo mentioned that in their Northward retreat during the Filipino-American War, the original flag was lost somewhere in Tayug, Pangasinan.   Some people believed that the original flag that was hoisted during the proclamation of independence on 12 June 1898 was the one stored in the Aguinaldo Museum at Baguio City.  It cannot be denied that the said flag was authentic and a contemporary of the original flag but experts found out that its materials was made of combined silk and cotton fabric, not fine silk as stated by the flag-maker herself in “Philippine Herald” published in October 1929.There were also reports that the first original flag of the Philippines was returned in July 1957 by US Ambassador Charles E. Bohlen.

       Very recently, American War Commission Public Relations Director Rudy Asercion noticed a Philippine flag in an American Trophy Room of the San Francisco War Memorial Building.  He then asked if the flag in San Francisco could be the same flag sewn by Agoncillo in 1898.  Looking at the flag closely, it was made of fine silk but its sun has 12 rays while the original has eight; it has six-pointed stars while the original had five-pointed stars; the sun and stars in the original flag were sewn by hand while the San Francisco flag has a painted sun and stars; and most importantly, the original flag had a plain blue field while the San Francisco flag has a printed blue field with a floral design. While the flag was proven to be authentic and was really used during the Filipino-American War, it is definitely not the original Philippine flag of 1898.  Until the moment, the whereabouts of the original flag of 1898 remains a mystery.

Conclusion

         This coming May 28, the whole nation would celebrate the Flag Day to pay respect to the Philippine Flag.  Controversies in the past must not be a hindrance on how a Filipino should look up to our flag because no matter what happens this flag that we have right now has served as the unifying symbol of all Filipinos and this is the same banner that the freedom fighters served in war and in peace.  In general, our flag symbolizes us as a nation and as a people.

THE TREATY OF PARIS: AN INSTRUMENT OF PEACE OR AN INSIGNIA OF BETRAYAL?
by Chris Antonette Piedad-Pugay

       One of the major events that shaped the destiny of the Philippines was the Spanish- American War that broke out in 1898. Relations between the two countries severed when the Cuban Revolution drawn the United States to the side of the Cuban insurgents while protecting paramount economic investments in the said island.  On 15 February 1898, the American warship Maine was blown up allegedly by an act of treachery at Havana harbor, giving the American government an excuse to declare a state of war against Spain on 25 April 1898.  Soon after, the Battle of Manila bay was fought and the Americans reached the Philippines.

       On 19 May 1898, Gen. Emilio Aguinaldo, upon the persuasion of American Consul E. Spencer Pratt and with the advice of the Hong Kong Junta, returned to the Philippines and immediately issued a proclamation urging Filipinos to once again rally for the cause of the motherland.  The support of the Filipinos on his call was overwhelming and was followed with sweeping victories.  While Manila was surrounded by the Filipinos by June 1898, the American and Spanish authorities engaged in secret negotiations paving way for a mock battle on 13 August 1898 and eventually a surrender that would deprive the Filipinos a taste of victory.

       On 12 August 1898, the Protocol of Peace was signed directing five Americans and five Spanish commissioners to meet in Paris to discuss peace terms between US and Spain.  Felipe Agoncillo was sent by Aguinaldo to Washington to serve as representative of the revolutionary government of the Philippines; however, Pres. McKinley declined to recognize him as such.  The commission met from October to December 1898, and agreed upon that some colonies of Spain including the Philippines be ceded to the United States.  On 10 December 1898, without Filipino representation and consultation, the Treaty of Paris was concluded.  It was signed by representatives from the US Government namely: Cushman Davis, William Frye, Whitelaw Reid, George Gray and William Day.  The Spanish delegation on the other hand was composed of Eugenio Montero Rios, Buenaventura Abarzuza, Jose de Garnica, Wenceslao Ramirez de Villa-Urrutia and Rafael Cerero.

       The Treaty of Paris was made up of thirteen articles that stipulate the conditions, obligations, as well as the benefits that the Governments of Spain and United States could enjoy over the ceded islands.  The first three articles provided Spain’s relinquishment of her claims over its former colonies including Cuba, Puerto Rico and other islands in the West Indies, and the Philippine Islands. Article III stated that an amount of $20, 000,000 will be paid by the US to Spain after the treaty’s ratification.  Meanwhile, In Article IV, US maintained that in a period of ten years after the treaty’s ratification, it would admit Spanish ships and merchandises with the same terms as that of American goods and vessels.

         Through Articles V, the American government, in its own costs, assured Spain that all Spanish soldiers taken as prisoners of war will be freed and sent back to their country.  It also provided that Spain would vacate the ceded territories in accordance with the Protocol of Peace signed on 12 August 1898, after the treaty’s ratification.  The same article also confirmed that properties belonging to the naval forces of Spain in the ceded territories shall remain property of Spain.  Article VI held assurance that the two governments by their own respective costs, would release prisoners of war, particularly insurgents of Cuba and the Philippines.

     While claims for all kinds of indemnity were relinquished by both governments in Article VII, Article VIII made clear, however, that relinquishment could not impair the rights belonging to the peaceful possessions of provinces, municipalities, public and private establishments in the ceded territories.  Spain’s relinquishment was also extended on documents and archival materials that may be found in the ceded territories or in Spain.

       Article IX emphasized that Spanish subjects and natives residing in the ceded territories may remain in the territories and preserve their allegiance to Spain but before a record of court. Failure to do so in a year after the treaty’s ratification would make them adopt the nationality of the territories where they reside.  Freedom of religion was given weight in Article X while Article XI upheld that Spaniards residing in the ceded territories would be subject to the jurisdiction of the courts of the country/territory where they reside in accordance to the judicial procedures and implementations incorporated in article XII.

          It was also agreed upon by the Peace Commission panel that Spanish academic and literary works would be admitted in the ceded territories free from dues, only in a period of ten years.  This provision was included in Article XIII of the treaty.  Spain’s right to establish consular offices and officers in the ports and some areas of the ceded territories was provided in Article XIV.  Meanwhile, Article XV stated terms similar to that of Article III only that it emphasized that free dues and charges would only be honored for ten years.  The US Government in Article XVI cleared that its obligation to Cuba is limited only during its occupancy and upon its termination; the created government in the said country should assume responsibility.  Lastly, Article XVII pronounced that the treaty would be subject to ratification by the US President with the aid of the US Senate and by the Queen Regent of Spain. Ratification was expected to be exchanged six months from the date of the treaty’s conclusion.

        The treaty did not go on effect until after its ratification.  Initially, many American senators did not favor it for they thought of it as unfair to the Filipinos and a manifestation of imperialism.  Unfortunately, the Filipino-American hostilities that erupted on 4 February 1899 in the Philippines (known as the “First Shot”) changed the course of the tide. American propaganda made it appear that the Filipinos instigated the hostility causing the breach of alliance and trust. Two days after, the treaty was ratified with two thirds of the majority in the US Senate.

       The American and Spanish government reckoned the Treaty of Paris as an instrument of Peace, but the Filipinos resented its conclusion and ratification for they were not consulted and considered in its making.  Further, the provisions of the treaty were not for the benefit of the Filipinos but for the imperialists, instead.  With the signing and ratification of the Treaty of Paris, the bitter relations between the Americans and the Filipinos turned bitterer and eventually lead to another episode that was known as Filipino-American War.

VIBORA’S RIZALINE CONSTITUTION
by Chris Antonette Piedad-Pugay

       Most Filipino patriots during the revolutionary period yearned to alleviate and free the Filipino people from the hands of their oppressors.  In their varying means, these patriots and nationalists made contributions, both recorded and unrecorded in order to attain the aspirations of the Revolution.

      One of those who fought and sought to keep Dr. Jose Rizal’s legacy aflame was Artemio Ricarte, popularly known through his nom-de-guerre “Vibora” which literally means viper.  Ricarte was an educator by profession but when he was sent to San Francisco de Malabon (Gen. Trias) in the province of Cavite as superintendent of primary schools, he took the opportunity and joined the ranks of the Katipunan.  He became the Brigadier General of Gen. Emilio Aguinaldo’s army and was eventually elected Captain General in the convention held at Tejeros.  Together with the rest of his compatriots, they valiantly fought the Spaniards to put an end to Spanish tyranny.  When the Americans occupied the Philippines at the end of the Spanish-American War, Ricarte was several times offered by the American government handsome compensations in exchange of his loyalty.  But for several times, just like a wild viper, he kept on rejecting the tempting offers.  To get rid of him, the American government banished him first in Guam with Apolinario Mabini and afterwards in Hong Kong in 1910.

      While he was in the island of Lamah in Hong Kong, he felt the need that he should call upon the Filipinos to demonstrate on the field of battle the purest honor and the precious doctrines left to the race by Dr. Jose Rizal who chose death for the benefit of his country and countrymen.  He thought of drafting a charter that would help in the staging of an “orderly and efficacious revolution.”  With this aim in his heart, on 31 March 1913, the Rizaline Constitution was born.

        Vibora’s Rizaline Constitution was made up of twelve chapters with corresponding articles under each of them ascertaining provisions that will make the revolution “orderly and efficacious.”  The first chapter of the constitution laid down that the archipelago once named by Ferdinand Magellan as “Archipelago of Saint Lazarus” and “Las Islas Filipinas” by Ruy Lopez de Villalobos would be known and recognized as the “Rizaline Republic” with the inclusion of Guam and the Marianas Islands.  Succeeding articles under the said chapter provided that all citizens of the islands would be called “Rizaline” including foreigners who would help the Rizalines acquire absolute independence and those who were born in other country by Rizaline parents. Other clauses stipulated the rights of the citizens in terms of owning properties, right to protection and even the rights of an accused individual.  The last article of this chapter decreed that the Rizalines who demonstrated fervent love for the fatherland would be granted special merit called “Recompense.”

         The second chapter laid down that a Revolutionary Government aspiring to overthrow the American government while protecting and sustaining the Rizalines would be established in the Rizaline territories to be directed by the chiefs of the “Liberating Army.”  It was stated in this chapter that the supreme government would be composed of “Three Powers,” with each of them having their respective president and vice president namely—Executive Power, Advisory Power and the Judicial Power.  The third chapter of the constitution provided that executive power would be exercised by the Captain General, who would also be the President of this branch of authority to be assisted by the Lieutenant General of Luzon as the Vice President.  The Captain General would distribute his duties among his appointed government secretaries such as follows: Executive Secretary, Secretary of War, Secretary of Finance, Secretary of Finance, Secretary of the State, Secretary of Justice, Secretary of Police and Secretary of Agriculture.  Chapter four, on the other hand, stipulated that the president of the “Executive Power” or the Captain General would be responsible in performing the following functions: Finding means to realize the objectives of the Revolutionary Government; Signing of decrees and laws; Accepting or rejecting voluntary aid from foreign country; Granting pardon to any criminal sentenced to death; and Organizing revolutionary committees in other countries with the help of the Central Revolutionary Committee based in Hong Kong.  In the event that the Captain General died, became physically incapacitated, captured by the enemies, prosecuted before a competent court or sentenced, the fifth chapter decreed that the Vice President should assume the abovementioned powers and responsibilities.

         The “Advisory Power” would be composed of a number twice that of the number of districts in accordance to the division of the Rizaline Republic into zones, thus, two representatives in every district, with the exception of the Rizal district encompassing Manila that would have four representatives. This branch of power, as predetermined in the succeeding chapter of the Rizaline Constitution, is expected to cooperate with the Captain General in deriving ways to overthrow the American government, to draft and submit for the approval of the Captain General laws for the collection of funds in each district, appropriation laws, laws of election in every district, interior regulations, law granting “recompense” to patriotic Rizalines and laws prescribing punishment against those guilty of Lesse Patria.

         Meanwhile, chapter eight  delegated that the Supreme Tribunal of the Rizaline Republic  would exercise “Judicial Power” and is expected to hear cases and complaints against any citizen of the republic including the officers of the Revolutionary Government and  the trying of cases relative to real estates and credits.  A Permanent Tribunal of War would be established in each zone while a Council of War would be established in each district.

         The Eight Chapter of Vibora’s Rizaline Constitution bore the characteristics of the Revolutionary Army with its soldiers divided into the Active and Reserve Service.  Those in the active service were delegated in the six zones namely Burgos Zone (Ilocos Norte, Cagayan, Isabela, Abra, Ilocos Sur, Nueva Vizcaya, Bontoc and Benguet), Jocson Zone (Pangasinan, Zambales, Tarlac, Pampanga, Bataan, Bulacan and Nueva Ecija), Bonifacio Zone (Tayabas, Marinduque, Albay, Sorsogon, Ambos Camarines, Mindoro, Cavite, Batangas and Laguna), Climaco Zone (Cebu, Negros Oriental, Negros Occidental, Bohol, Leyte and Samar), Lopez Jaena Zone  (Iloilo, Antique, Capiz, Romblon, Masbate) and Sison Zone (Surigao, Agusan, Misamis, Zamboanga, Jolo, Paragua and Guam).   It also provided that the Rizal district would be governed by a special law allowing it to be divided into six zones namely General Flores, General Evangelista, Valenzuela, Rosendo Simon, General Malvar, and General del Pilar,

       While chapter nine presented the different groupings of the Revolutionary Army namely division, brigade, regiment, battalion, and company, the subsequent chapter contained the special protection that the foreigners, except the colonizers, can secure from the Revolutionary Government.  Finally, the last two chapters of this constitution held that the Spanish language would remain the official language of the republic and those Spanish laws not in conflict with the objectives of the Revolution would remain in effect.

         Jose Rizal, our national hero, could have chosen to live a normal life and practice his profession; however, his love for his country was truly deep-seated that he had chosen to die for her.   Just like Rizal, the Rizaline Constitution sounded very ideal, but it encompassed the true sentiments, yearnings and aspirations of our race.  The said constitution was Artemio Ricarte’s means not only to keep Jose Rizal’s legacy alive but at the same time his way of paying tribute to the hero’s valor.  Vibora believed that a race like ours should not remain subjugated, instead, should be absolutely independent, provided that a sound and compelling guiding principle would be enforced to direct the then struggling Filipino race.

VALUES WE MUST LEARN FROM ANDRES BONIFACIO
by Chris Antonette Piedad-Pugay

      Opening the pages of Philippine history books, Bonifacio’s name would always be mentioned and associated with the formation of the Katipunan, a separatist movement which spearheaded the Philippine Revolution of 1896.  But unlike Jose Rizal, whose life and undertakings were fully documented, very few were known on the life of Bonifacio, thanks to the accounts of his fellow Katipuneros and his wife Gregoria de Jesus that we were at least given an impression of how was he as a person and as a politically-inclined individual.  This article gives an insight on the values the Filipinos must imitate from a man who never expected to be on the spotlight, but out of love for his country, staged actions that changed the course of Philippine history.

Optimistic Attitude and Strong Sense of Responsibility

     Andres Bonifacio was barely fourteen years old when they were orphaned.  Without any hesitation, he assumed the responsibility of raising his younger siblings.  In order to meet the daily needs of their family, he engaged in making and peddling of paper fans and wooden canes.  Despite the fact that he cannot afford a formal education for himself, it did not prevent him from seeking knowledge by reading during his free time.

      This episode in Bonifacio’s life was not uncommon, since there were several Filipino children orphaned at young age.  What was uncommon about him was having the optimistic attitude and strong sense of responsibility after the death of their parents.  Instead of crying over spilled milk, he rose on his feet and worked hard to raise his younger brothers and sisters.  This proved that being responsible cannot be quantified by one’s age; it is a matter of learning how to act, rationalize and decide correctly despite overwhelming burdens and pressures.

     Bonifacio had shown high regard for education and despite his meager status he engaged in reading books written in Tagalog and Spanish.  Filipinos should realize that event at present, a commendable reading habit is very important in enriching minds and in making oneself productive and competent.

Value for Work and Virtue of Not Wasting Time

       While working as clerk for Fleming and Company, Bonifacio also worked as poster-maker to augment his income.  In the early phase of 1896, he shifted to another English company known as Fressels Company where he worked as an agent.

     If Filipino workers would maintain the dignity of their works just like Bonifacio, both private and public services will definitely be delivered efficiently and effectively.  If  workers are more time-oriented and hard-working, the development and progress of the Philippines will not be impossible, for time is not wasted merely for standing, gossiping and image-building but more on directing services and fulfillment of duties for the betterment of  the society.

Social Responsiveness

       Just like any other Indio of his time, Bonifacio felt the social malaise as a result of oppressive Spanish colonial administration.   To make fellow Filipinos aware of the real condition of the country, he sold revolutionary leaflets near the University of Santo Tomas.  He also joined the La Liga Filipina when it was founded by Jose Rizal on 3 July 1892. Unfortunately, the Liga Filipina died down after the imprisonment of Rizal in Dapitan.  Bonifacio founded the Katipunan on 7 July 1892 in an aim to gain independence from Spain.  Through the said act, Bonifacio actively responded to the call of the time to make a change.

Patriotism and Love for his native language

        When the Kalayaan, the official organ of the Katipunan, essays written by Bonifacio such as “Ang Dapat Mabatid ng mga Tagalog” and “Pag-ibig sa Tinubuang Lupa” were included.  Bonifacio encouraged the use of the vernacular in the association and opted to write in Tagalog, to show patriotism and love for his native language.

Humility

      Though most of his detractors portrayed Bonifacio as arrogant, this can be belied by anecdotes involving him and Emilio Jacinto.  Initially, Bonifacio wrote the Decalogue that embodied the teachings of the Katipunan.  But soon after, Jacinto came up with his Mga Aral ng Katipunan to which, Bonifacio found to be superior to his own.  Thus, he promptly withdrew the Decalogue and ordered the adaptation of Jacinto’s work.  Such was the humility of a man.

BONIFACIO’S FAITH

Myth and spirituality is deeply infused in Filipino psyche. According to the historian, Teodoro Agoncillo one of the distinct characteristics of early Filipino is being fatalistic and religious. We have a strong attachment to our creator even during the time that we are not yet converted to Christianity. There is a certain connection to us that even today we continue to do so. The Filipino is naturally fatalistic; we believe that whatever happens to us is a work of fate and destined by god. We tend to gamble on many things and let it be according to the will of higher being. And our belief became stronger when we were converted to Christianity and infused it to the beliefs and culture that we already have.

      This kind of characteristics upholds the identity of Andres Bonifacio. He may be regarded in history as a fiery, volatile temper and restless rebel but underneath those character is the sense of sincerity and truthfulness in his heart.

In April 1895, Andres Bonifacio together with other Katipunan members seeks refuge in the Pamitinan Cave in San Mateo, Rizal as a secret meeting place. Inside the cave they planned their revolution against the colonizers and initiated new members of the society. They even wrote on the cave walls “Viva la Independecia de Filipinas” symbolizing the cry for independence. Modern historians regarded this event as the first cry for liberty.

      But why is it that among the various places did they choose the cave as their clandestine for meeting place?

It is said that the Katipuneros met in Pamitinan Cave during Holy Week particularly on a Good Friday, which in Christian tradition remembered the crucifixion of Christ. Also according to Filipino beliefs and tradition this is the time to do penance by means of self-flagellation and real reenactments of Christ’s suffering. Filipino tends to believe that by means of those sacrifices we were able to lessen our sins. While the cave in Filipino culture is a ritual passageway, where successful emergence and survival signifies the purity and truthfulness of the devotee. The Katipuneros met in the cave not only to talk about their plan of uprisings but also to undergo a spiritual purification. Bonifacio and others believed that you must have a clean heart and honest motive. You must know what you are fighting for and it is for the common good. Filipino also believed that cave is a sacred sanctuary inhabited by spirits that will direct and defend them. And according to the myth, the Pamitinan Cave is the site where Bernardo Carpio, the legendary hero of the Tagalogs is struggling to break free from the repression. Bonifacio apparently telling the Filipinos and Katipuneros that they should be ready to face sufferings if they want to be the liberator of the people from Iberian rule. He immortalized Bernardo Carpio in the presence of the Katipuneros.

      Even the various writings of Andres Bonifacio mirrored his strong faith in the power and righteousness of the Lord. In his Decalogue of the Katipunan for instance, he exhorts his fellowmen to love God as the most important similar to what the Lord commanded us to do. You must also show compassion and concern for the others especially for the needy. While in his manifesto, “What the Filipinos should know” he made mentioned of Christ’s words “You will know the truth and the truth will set you free.” Bonifacio said: “this is now the time to begin spreading the noble and great gospel that will tear apart the thick curtain that obfuscates our minds”. In his poem “Tapunan ng Lingap” Bonifacio expresses his favor for God’s guidance in their quest for victory. He said: “Ay! Ang lingap mo po, na nunungong langit, Dios na poon ko’y huwag ipagkait, sa mga anak mong napatangkilik nahuwag lumagos sa masamang hilig”. It is quite surprising that a man of war could also express himself in such an engaging and candid manner.

      Indeed, the power of his conviction in fighting for our freedom is a will of the Lord. Bonifacio uphold his dignity and sincerity of his heart. He believed that the aims of the Katipunan are God-given for the will of the people is also the will of God.

      As Claro M. Recto mentioned before “the battle for the redemption of the Motherland was begun by Rizal in the field of thought. It cannot be denied that Rizal was the greatest in his field. But he stopped there. He did not want to be drenched with the blood of his compatriots…But Bonifacio the idealist, in his implicit faith that God will not forsake our country…went down into the arena of rebellion and drenched it with blood…and because God willed it, the freedom of the Philippines shone brightly at the same time with first dawn.”

THE GREATEST LOSS: LUNA’S PEOPLE AND KINGS
by Peter Jaynul Villanueva Uckung

      So many paintings of Juan Luna were lost to history. His brothers-in-law destroyed all of Luna’s paintings that they own; a damning reaction to Luna’s killing of their sister, Paz (Luna’s wife), and their mother in 1892. Some missing paintings later resurfaced; one of them being bought by the GSIS in the millions of pesos; others were bought by rich private collectors. But one painting, considered to be one of his three greatest masterpieces which include Battle of Lepanto and Spoliarium, will never be seen again- because it was destroyed in 1945 during the Battle of Manila. This was the painting called El Pueblo y los Reyes  or the People and Kings.

       It was large, perhaps the largest of his paintings, measuring 4.2 meters high by 6.3 meters long, and painted in 1892; the same year he would kill his wife and mother-in- law. It was originally slated to be his entry to the Chicago Exposition, but the tragedy effectively nullified his plan. He would never see this canvas be displayed in public in his lifetime. He stored it away, waiting for a meaningful occasion to show it to the public. It never came. He died in 1899.

      In 1904, this painting, together with other Luna paintings, won Luna a posthumous Gold medal in the St. Louis Universal Exposition in the United States. This was the same exposition where Filipino tribal groups were irregardlessly displayed like specimen in a science fair.

       His son, Andres, stored this painting in his home in Manila. It was here when the catastrophic flood of 1943 damaged its lower part. Andres then transferred it to his office in Dasmarinas, where it was burned with other Luna paintings in the holocaust of 1945.

        Gone. But what was the People and Kings all about?

       It was about the revolution. No, not of the Philippines, but of France in 1830. The People and Kings was a painting conveying the madness, the horror, suffering, and helplessness which were inevitably felt during the 1830 French Revolution.

       A mob, moving with unreserved violence, goaded by a decree to destroy the Royal tombs and other religious relics in the church, were seen in an orgy of destruction. A bare-breasted woman screaming in terror; a young boy transfixed with fear; a vicious crowd; and everywhere debris and confusion inside the St. Denis Cathedral in Paris. It was an unapologetic depiction of the ensuing brutalities in the wake of the revolution.

      In 1830, France was in turmoil. The Bourbon king, Charles X, was instituting the old privileges of the aristocracy and curtailing the rights of French citizens everywhere, which were gained during the French Revolution of the 1790’s. A revolt ensued. King Charles X abdicated and a citizen king, Louis-Philippe, was installed.

       In passing, that revolution seemed heroic, glorious even. But Luna’s painting revealed its darker side. Luna’s painting was often compared with the painting Liberty Leading the People of the French romanticist painter Eugene Delacroix. This was a painting symbolizing liberty as a bare-breasted woman rising amidst the dead and the fallen; rallying the people to fight and leading them to victory.

      Delacroix painted a woman, whose bosoms were exposed, carrying the French flag, and around her were dead revolutionaries. She was clearly goading on her comrades to charge.

      Where Delacroix’s painting tells of the indomitable will of the revolutionaries to fight; Luna’s painting was about the tragedies of the revolution. His painting also depicts a bare-breasted woman raising not a flag, but clenched fists of the maddeningly fearful. It was a screaming agony in color. It was almost a denouncement of the revolution.

     Like Jose Rizal’s novel, El Filibusterismo whose dark hero fails in his bid to instigate a revolution, Luna’s People and Kings echoed fear to a rampaging, furious crowd caught in the throes of a revolution. But it was a sense of fear directed towards those whose actions to the  people invite the specter of revolution.